Occupation of Iraq (2003–2011)

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This article deals with the post-invasion period in Iraq and its occupation. For other uses of the term "Iraq War," see Iraq war (disambiguation)
Occupation zones in Iraq as of September 2003

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The post-invasion period in Iraq followed the 2003 invasion of Iraq by a United States-led multinational coalition that overthrew the Ba'ath Party government of Saddam Hussein. In this period a military occupation was established in the country run by the Coalition Provisional Authority (CPA), which later appointed and granted limited powers to an Iraq Interim Governing Council.

Troops for the occupation came primarily from the United States and the United Kingdom, but Spain, Australia, Italy and Poland provided some troops, and there were varying levels of assistance from Japan and other allied countries. Tens of thousands of private security personnel supplemented the military forces. Coalition and allied Iraqi forces have been fighting a stronger-than-expected militant Iraqi resistance, and the reconstruction of Iraq has been slow.

The CPA and the Governing Council were disbanded on June 28, 2004 and a new transitional constitution came into effect. Limited sovereignty was transferred to a Governing Council-appointed Iraqi interim government led by Iyad Allawi as Iraq's first post-Saddam head of government and prime minister, and Ghazi al-Yawer as president. Allawi's government has no power to make new laws or change the laws passed during the CPA occupation period.

Despite United Nations recognition of the formal end of occupation, coalition troops have not withdrawn. The United States and its allies still exercise considerable power in the country, and continue to conduct military operations against the Iraqi resistance. According to the International Humanitarian Law Research Initiative, "the wording of Security Council resolution 1546 ... indicates that, regardless of how the situation is characterized, international humanitarian law will apply to it." IHL Research Initiative Policy Brief

Under International Humanitarian Law (IHL), occupation is the "factual control over a territory or a population." IHL pertains where there exists the exertion of any form of control over the population of a territory by a foreign military force, which made an incursion onto that territory after an armed conflict. According to this definition, Iraq remains occupied. [1] (pdf)

2003

On May 1, 2003, President Bush declared the "end of major combat operations" in Iraq on an aircraft carrier displaying a large "Mission Accomplished" banner.

In the weeks that followed, violent crime spiraled upwards, particularly in the very poor neighborhoods of Baghdad, which became one of the most dangerous cities in the world, rivaling the violence seen in Johannesburg, South Africa. The inability of successive interior ministers to create an effective security force, the willingness of insurgents to target police training and police stations with car and truck bombs, and the skyrocketing unemployment and collapse of the pervasive secret police system used by the Ba'ath Party, contributed to the escalation of civil, as well as political, violence. The failure to restore basic services to above pre-war levels, where over a decade of sanctions, bombing, corruption and decaying infrastructure had left major cities functioning at much-reduced levels, also contributed to local anger at the IPA government headed by an executive council. On the 2nd of July 2003, President Bush declared that American troops would remain in Iraq in spite of the resistance, challenging the opponents with "My answer is, Bring 'em on", a line the president later expressed misgivings over having used. [2].

In the summer of 2003, the U.S. military focused on hunting down the remaining leaders of the former regime, culminating in the shooting deaths of Saddam's two sons in August. In all, over 200 top leaders of the former regime were killed or captured, as well as numerous lesser functionaries and military personnel. However, even as the Ba'ath party organization disintegrated, elements of the secret police and army began forming resistance units, since in many cases they had simply gone home rather than fight the invading forces. These began to focus their resistance around Mosul, Tikrit and Fallujah. In the fall, these units and other elements who called themselves freedom fighters began employing ambush tactics, suicide bombings, and improvised explosive devices, targeting coalition forces and checkpoints. They favored attacking the unarmored Humvee vehicles, and in November they successfully attacked U.S. rotary aircraft with SAM-7 missiles bought on the global black market.

In December, Saddam himself was captured, and with the weather growing cooler, U.S. forces were able to operate in full armor or "battle rattle", which reduced their casualty figures. The provisional government began training a security force intended to defend critical infrastructure, and the U.S. promised over $20 billion in reconstruction money in the form of credit against Iraq's future oil revenues. Of this, less than half a billion dollars had been spent as of 10 months after it had been promised; instead, oil revenues were tapped for rebuilding schools, and for work on the electrical and refining infrastructure. At the same time, elements left out of the IPA began to agitate for elections. Most prominent among these was Ali al-Sistani, Grand Ayatollah in the Shia sect of Islam. More resistance fighters, some connected with international terrorist groups, and with conduits to Iran, Pakistan and Syria, stepped up their activities. The two most turbulent centers were the area around Fallujah and the poor Shia sections of cities from Baghdad to Basra in the south.

2004

In the spring the United States and the IPA decided to crush the growing rebellion with a pair of assaults: one on Fallujah, the center of the "Mohammed's Army of Al-Ansar", and another on Najaf, home of an important mosque, which had become the focal point for the Mahdi Army and its activities. Just before the American attack on Fallujah, four private military contractors, working for Blackwater USA, were ambushed and their corpses desecrated, touching off a wave of emotionalism. In the ensuing offensive, the United States was unable to dislodge the insurgents, and instead suffered repeated attacks on its own rear and flank. While the Marine Division attacking had clear superiority in ground firepower and air support, it decided to accept a truce and a deal which put a former Baathist general in complete charge of the town. The marines were then shifted south, because Italian and Polish forces were having increasing difficulties retaining control over Nasiriya and Najaf. The marines relieved the Poles and Italians, and put down the overt rebellion, but were unable to reestablish control over the centers of the towns. At the same time the British forces in Basra were faced with increasing restiveness, and became more and more selective in the areas that they patrolled. In all April, May and early June represented the bloodiest months of fighting since the end of hostilities, and little was resolved other than to establish a military stalemate - with the US gradually admitting that it was facing organized military forces capable of independent operations.

In June the United States handed over limited sovereignty to a caretaker government, whose first act was to begin the trial of Saddam Hussein. The government began the process of moving towards open elections, though the insurgency, and the lack of cohesion within the government itself, has lead to repeated delays. Muqtada al-Sadr openly took control of Najaf, and after negotiations broke down the government asked the United States for help dislodging him. Through the months of July and August a series of skirmishes in and around Najaf culminated with the Imman Ali Mosque itself under siege, only to have a peace deal brokered by al-Sistani in late August. Al-Sadr then declared a national cease fire, and opened negotiations with the American and government forces on disbanding his militia and entering the political process. These negotiations are still in progress.

Currently the Allawi government, with significant numbers of hold overs from the Coalition Provisional Authority, is engaged in attempts to secure control over the oil infrastructure, source of Iraq's foreign currency, and control over the major cities of Iraq. The continuing insurgencies, poor state of the Iraqi Army, disorganized condition of police and security forces, as well as the lack of revenue have hampered their efforts to assert control. In addition both former Baathist elements and militant Shia groups have engaged in sabotage, terrorism, open rebellion and establishing their own security zones in all or part of a dozen cities. The Allawi government has vowed to crush resistance, using US troops, but at the same time has negotiated with high profile militia leader Muqtada al-Sadr.

In November, American and Iraqi forces invaded and broke the al Qaeda occupation of Fallujah, capturing or killing many insurgents, although most leaders fled the city abandoning an openly marked al Qaeda headquarters before the invasion. Their victory was marred, however, in terms of public relations, by video showing the killing of at least one unarmed and wounded man by an American serviceman. November was the deadliest month of the occupation for coalition troops, surpassing April.

In December, 22 were killed and over a hundred injured when an explosion struck an open-tent mess hall in Mosul, where President Bush had displayed a Thanksgiving turkey a year before.

Participating nations

Main article: Multinational force in Iraq

Though there are currently still 30 nations with troops participating in the stabilization of Iraq, well over 80% of the forces occupying Iraq are American. The next largest contingent is that of the United Kingdom, discounting the approximately 20,000 private security contractors under various employers. There was a similarly large contingent of Spanish-speaking forces from Latin America and led by Spain.


Iraqi councils and authorities

Prior to the invasion, the U.S. promised a speedy transition to a democratic government, and the initial outline included the creation of an Iraqi constitution and the active role of Iraqis in the process of establishing a new government as well as in the interim authority. United States officials' public pronouncements have emphasized that the US invasion was not about occupation, but about liberation. From before the invasion until mid-May 2003, U.S. officials emphasized that an Iraqi-led government would be established "as soon as possible".

In November 2003, Paul Bremer announced the plan to turn political authority to the Iraqi governing council by June 30, 2004 with the expectation that a constitution would then be drawn up. The constitution was written and approved by the Iraqi Governing Council in March, 2004. The United States has stated its plans to enter into a security agreement with the new Iraqi government and maintain military authority until a new Iraqi army is established. The Bush administration remained committed to this date despite the unstable security situation. The interim Iraqi government was named in May 2004, upon which the Iraqi Governing Council was dissolved; there is heavy overlap between the two governing bodies.

The U.S.-led Coalition Provisional Authority has, for administrative purposes, divided Iraq into three security zones: a northern zone in the Mosul - Kirkuk region, a central zone in the Baghdad - Tikrit region and a southern zone in the Basra - Nasiriya region. The northern and central zones are garrisoned by US troops, while the southern zone is garrisoned by Polish troops (around Nasiriya) and British troops (around Basra). [3]

In the early months of the occupation, looting and vandalism slowed the restoration of basic services such as water, electricity, and sanitation. By spring 2004, these services were mostly restored to pre-war levels. Ongoing work is continuing to provide sufficient sanitation. Uneven power distribution remains a problem, with cities in the northern and southern provinces receiving electricity 24 hours a day, while the Baghdad area continues to have periodic blackouts. [4]

Allegations of human rights violations by the occupying forces have been embarrassing to the Bush administration and are thoroughly investigated to demonstrate the U.S. commitment to international and internal standards, including the rights of the accused; several US officers are under investigation for the torture of prisoners at the Abu Ghraib prison. Some have already been disciplined.[5] Mistreatments of Iraqis by British soldiers was reported as well, although of the many sets allegations and pictures, several sets were later found to be faked or stolen from adult websites.[6]

Former Ba'ath Party members and military officers who have no criminal past or human rights abuses have been allowed to return to government positions. [7]

Reconstruction

For the reconstruction, contracts were awarded to private companies. Initially companies from countries that had opposed the war were excluded from these contracts, but due to protests this decision was reversed.[8] It has been alleged that some companies were favoured because they had connections to high-ranking members of the Bush administration, like Halliburton [9] [10] [11]. This suspicion had already been a concern during the global protests against the war on Iraq. An audit found that Halliburton subsidiary Kellogg, Brown and Root (KBR), may have overcharged the U.S. government $61 million (on contracts worth billions) for bringing oil products for the U.S. army into Iraq via a Kuwaiti subcontractor, Altanmia Commercial Marketing Co.[12]

Some also argue that foreign contractors are doing work which could be done by unemployed Iraqis, which might be a factor fueling resentment of the occupation. [13] [14] [15]

See also: Reconstruction of Iraq

Civilian government

Main article: Politics of Iraq

The establishment of a new civilian government of Iraq was greatly complicated by the religious divisions between the majority Shi'ite population and the formerly ruling Sunni class. Moreover, many of the people in Saddam's ruling Ba'ath Party were perceived as tainted by the association by some parties. In northern Iraq, Kurds had already had effectively autonomous rule for 12 years under the protection of the no-fly zone.

On May 16, 2003, U.S. officials abandoned the plan to cede authority to a democratically chosen interim civilian Iraqi government (similar to what had happened in Afghanistan following the U.S. invasion of Afghanistan) and presented a resolution to the U.N. to give the United States and the United Kingdom broad power and lift economic sanctions on Iraq, allowing the occupying countries authority to use oil resources to pay for rebuilding the country. Passage of the resolution allowed them to appoint an interim government by themselves.

On July 13, 2003, an Iraqi Governing Council was appointed by Coalition Provisional Authority Administrator L. Paul Bremer.

File:Iraqcouncil.jpg
The Iraq Interim Governing Council.

United Nations resolutions

On May 22, 2003, the UN Security Council voted 14-0 to give the United States and Britain the power to govern Iraq and use its oil resources to rebuild the country. Resolution 1483 removed nearly 13 years of economic sanctions originally imposed after Iraq's 1990 invasion of Kuwait. The resolution allows U.N. Secretary-General Kofi Annan to appoint a special representative to work with U.S. and British administrators on reconstruction, humanitarian aid, and the creation of a new government.

Due to pressure from war-opposing Security Council members, the resolution created a new Development Fund for Iraq, which will collect funds from oil sales. The fund will be run by the United States and Britain to rebuild the country, and it will be overseen by a new advisory body composed of the United Nations and international financial institutions. It will begin its existence with a $1 billion deposit, funds transferred from the United Nation's oil-for-food account. The oil-for-food program will be phased out over a six month period. The resolution requires a one-year review, a step sought by both Germany and France. Syria, which was the sole Arab state represented on the council, was absent from the meeting. In June 2004 the New York Times reported American authorities spent $2.5 billion from Iraqi oil revenue despite agreements that the oil revenues should be set aside for use after the restoration of Iraq's sovereignty. [16]

On August 14, 2003, the UN Security Council voted 14-0 to "welcome" the creation of the Iraqi Governing Council. Resolution 1500 stopped short of formally recognizing the governing council as Iraq's legitimate governing body but called it an "important step" towards creating a sovereign government.

Elections

For several months the United States maintained that it intended to convene a constitutional convention, composed of influential Iraqis. However, European demands for an early election and Ayatollah Ali al-Sistani insistence for them eventually forced the United States to let the appointed Governing Council serve this function.

In the early months of the occupation, new officials were appointed to several local and regional positions (e.g. mayors, governors, local councils). The officials were chosen from a select group of individuals (including ex-Ba'ath party officials) in an attempt to speed the return to normality and to avoid the election of people opposed to the American and British presence. Certain religious clerics and other officials were considered to be overly radical or dangerous. On occasion the appointed officials were found to behave less than admirably. On June 30, 2003 the appointed mayor of Najaf was arrested on charges of corruption.

Though some protested the lack of initial democracy (as proposed by initial occupation head Jay Garner, who wanted elections within 90 days), it should be pointed out that in its ideal form democracy requires a civil society to function effectively and hold honest elections. Iraq had a very brief history of democracy and one-party rule had left the country ill-qualified to function as one. It was therefore very technically difficult, though not impossible, to hold elections so quickly after the war. In recent months however, civil society at a local level shows signs of recovery in some areas of Iraq. However, much to American disquiet it largely seems to be based around religious figures. Municipal and city elections were held in some of the southern and northern provinces. [17]

On November 15, the Iraqi Governing Council, announced that a transitional government would take over in June from the U.S.-led powers, and that an elected government would follow by the end of 2005 once a constitution had been drafted and ratified. The transitional government would be selected in June 2004 by a transitional council formed in May 2004.

The Governing Council revealed the timetable after the United States Government, in reaction to significant terrorist and militant activity against occupying troops and also aid organisations, abandoned its earlier plan that a sovereign government would take charge only after creating a constitution and elections held. Jalal Talabani, current chairman of the council, said the transition would involve "the creation of a permanent constitution by an elected council, directly elected by the people, and also the election of a new government according to the articles of this new constitution before the end of 2005."

In March of 2004 an interim constitution was formally created, called the Law of Administration for the State of Iraq for the Transitional Period. The document calls for the creation of an elected National Assembly to take place no later than January of 2005. The question of the election calendar became a matter of importance for Iraq and the USA: while a quick election would legitimise the Iraqi government and shed a favourable light on the US-led pacification of the country, violences made it difficult. It was finally set for the 30th of Januray 2005. On the 4th of January 2005, Ghazi Al-Yaouar asked the United Nations to reconsider the electoral schedule [18].

Sovereignty for Iraq

File:IraqSovereignty.jpg
U.S. National Security Advisor Condoleezza Rice gives confirmation of Iraqi sovereignty to U.S. President George W. Bush, who then wrote, “Let Freedom Reign!,” during the opening session of the NATO Summit in Istanbul, Turkey, on Monday, June 28, 2004.

Main articles: Iraqi sovereignty, Politics of Iraq

In a June 1, 2004 press conference, President Bush said that he was working with various world leaders to create a U.N. Security Council resolution endorsing the transition from the US-dominated occupation to complete autonomy for Iraq. Under this resolution, Coalition forces would remain in Iraq until the new government could establish security and stabilization: "There is a deep desire by the Iraqis — don't get me wrong — to run their own affairs and to be in a position where they can handle their own security measures." This decision may be necessary to prevent anti-democratic forces from seizing regional or national power and re-creating the kind of dictatorship which prompted the invasion of Iraq in the first place. On June 8, Security Council resolution 1546 was adopted unanimously, calling for "the end of the occupation and the assumption of full responsibility and authority by a fully sovereign and independent Interim Government of Iraq by 30 June 2004."

On June 28, 2004, the occupation was formally ended by the CPA, which transferred power to a new Iraqi government led by Prime Minister Iyad Allawi. The multinational military alliance is assisting the Allawi government in governing the Iraqis. The purpose of the Occupation of Iraq was, according to U.S. President George W. Bush, purely to bring about a transition from post-war anarchy to full Iraqi sovereignty.

Armed opposition

Main article: Iraqi resistance

Despite the defeat of the old Iraqi army, Iraqi resistance to the Coalition's plans continued. In the early months following the "end of major combat operations", rebels conducted sniper attacks, suicide bombings at road checkpoints, and ambushes, resulting in about 30 American and British deaths per month.

Sometimes the attackers would say that they were motivated by revenge (e.g., an anti-coalition group claimed the four Iraqis that were allegedly shot at by British soldiers during a demonstration were unarmed and acting peacefully; six British soldiers were later killed by Iraqis). Dozens of unarmed Iraqis were shot in anti-Alliance demonstrations, mostly in the nation's Sunni Muslim areas. While Shi'a Muslim areas were mostly peaceful, Ayatollah Sayed Mohammed Baqir al-Hakim, who returned to Iraq after decades in exile shortly after the occupation began, said: "We are not afraid of the British or American troops. This country wants to keep its sovereignty and the forces of the coalition must leave it."

American forces denied the accusations of targeting unarmed civilians. They said they were fired upon and were returning fire.

Guerrilla war

In late June of 2003 there was some public debate in the U.S. as to whether the resistance could be characterized as a guerrilla war. On June 17th, Army Gen. John P. Abizaid said that forces in Iraq were "conducting what I would describe as a classical guerrilla-type campaign against us. It's low-intensity conflict in our doctrinal terms, but it's war however you describe it." In a statement to Congress on June 18th, Deputy Defense Secretary Paul Wolfowitz said "There's a guerrilla war there but we can win it." However, U.S. defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld, on June 31st, characterized the situation in Iraq as a "guerrilla war" and blamed resistance on five groups:

"That doesn't make it anything like a guerrilla war or an organized resistance," Rumsfeld said. "It makes it like five different things going on [in which the groups] are functioning more like terrorists."

Sabotage

Main article: Resistance Sabotage

Sabotage of oil pipelines and refineries have been part of the resistance of the so-called Iraqi insurgents, a term widely used in the Western media to describe members of the Iraqi resistance. The United States had intended to quickly rebuild Iraqi infrastructure for production back to pre-war levels, but widespread sabotage crippled this initiative.

Fallujah

Main article: Fallujah

The Fallujah counteroffensive Operation Vigilant Resolve was launched on April 5 in response to the March 31 murder and mutilation of four of Blackwater's employees. Roads leading into and out of the city were closed. When the US marines tried to enter the city fierce fighting erupted. Members of the Iraqi resistance opened fire with heavy machine guns, rockets, and rocket propelled grenades. The marines answered by bringing in tanks and helicopters trying to overcome the opposition.

The ensuing firefight resulted in a large number of casualties. Dozens of marines were killed and injured. 271 of non-coalition forces were killed and 793 were injured according to official counts for the period of April 5 through April 22. Conflicting reports leave it unclear how many of the dead and injured were rebel fighters or women and children. [19] [20][21]. Arab media report that snipers have shot civilians and target ambulances trying to take the injured to hospital. These reports have been confirmed by numerous Western eye-witnesses ([22], [23], [24], [25], [26]).

There are also reports of ambulances and aid convoys being used by the Iraqi resistance to smuggle weapons and fighters into the city. [27] Coalition officials have claimed that the Iraqi resistance is using mosques and schools as command posts and weapon storage facilities. A suicide bomb vest factory was discovered by marines days after entering the city.[28] [29]

After several failed attempts at ceasefires, the US backed out of the city. A marine commander, commenting on the reasons, stated "We don't want to turn Fallouja into Dresden". The US handed authority of the city over to a former Iraqi general who served under Saddam Hussein, and whose fighters the US acknowledges include many members of the Iraqi resistance.

Today, the city is often referred to as "free rebel town"; banners in the city streets proclaim victory over the United States, and some of its mosques have spoken praise of the Iraqi resistance. [30] The general, Muhammed Latif, told Reuters, ""I want the American soldier to return to his camp. What I want more is that he returns to the United States," [31]. The old Iraqi army uniforms have been brought back in the Falluja brigade. [32]

US marines encircled Fallujah with an earth wall, trying to control access to the city. Though they allowed women and children to leave the city, when a male tried to leave, he was sent back. Very few western journalists reported from Fallujah, while Arab news-organizations, including al-Jazeera were still reporting from the city. The Americans were often critical about these reports, which are widely believed to be anti-American in nature. After a car bombing killed Izzadine Saleem, the then-head of the Iraqi Governing Council, Ahmed Chalabi blamed the attack and others like it on the deal in Falluja. "The terrorists are free to roam around and they have been given sanctuary in Fallujah," Chalabi said. "The garage is open and car bombs are coming repeatedly." [33]

On June 19, 2004, 22 Iraqis, among them women and children, were killed in a U.S. air strike in a residential neighborhood in Fallujah where U.S. forces are believed to have targeted members of the Iraqi resistance. [34] [35]

Allawi, the interim prime minister of Iraq in the new regime, condemned the rebellion and called upon the city to surrender Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, the leader of the Tawhid-e-Jihad group who is alleged to be hiding in Fallujah, or face arial bombing by the United States.

Muqtada al-Sadr

Main article: Muqtada al-Sadr

On April 4th, coalition forces closed Shiite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr's newspaper al-Hawza, claiming that it contained incitements to violence. One example provided was that on February 26th, an article claimed that a suicide bombing in Basra that killed 53 people was a rocket fired by the Americans, and not a car bomb. In response, al-Sadr launched a day of protests. During these protests, members of the Iraqi resistance (who may or may not have been tied to al-Sadr) ambushed an Coalition patrol guarding a trash collecting unit was ambushed in Sadr-City resulting in the deaths of 8 soldiers. Meanwhile, several dozen of al-Sadr's followers were killed during their protests.

The coalition responded by arresting one of al-Sadr's closest aides, leading to al-Sadr calling on his followers to rise up. The next days fighting erupted in many cities in southern Iraq, including Karbala,Kut, Nassiriya and Basra. The CPA announced the existence of a three-month-old arrest warrant, issued by an Iraqi judge, on al-Sadr, claiming that he was responsible for the killing of Coalition-aligned cleric al-Khoei. The warrant itself inspired further opposition, as Khoei's own followers blamed Baathists for the murder, the Coalition-appointed Iraqi Minister of Justice stated that he had no knowledge of the warrant, and the Iraqi Jurists Association declared the warrant "illegal". Al-Sadr, who had previously created his own parallel government and a militia called the al-Madhi Army, instructed his followers to no longer follow along with the occupation, and suggested that they attack Coalition soldiers, and his followers took control of several southern cities, often with the support of local authorities and police.

During the first few days of the uprising al-Sadr stayed in Kufa were he traditionally had a large following. On April 7 he moved to Najaf, into a building close to the shrine of the Imam Ali, the holiest shrine in the Shia faith. After fierce fighting during the first days of the uprising, his followers took control over many cities in southern Iraq. In Kut the Ukrainian occupational contingent was forced out of the city. The Italians were contained inside their base in Nassiriya and in Basra the governor's palace was occupied. In Karbala Polish and Bulgarian forces were able to hold their own after battle lasting whole night. The Alliance reacted by dispensing a reactionary force on April 8 to Kut, forcing al-Sadr followers to melt away into the city's population. The same happened in most of the other cities and control was nominally ceded. Only in Najaf and Kufa did the Americans not enter. These two cities are effectively under the control of al-Sadr followers. The Coalition has sent 2500 marines to Najaf to try to 'arrest or kill' al-Sadr.

At the moment al-Sadr is protected by his fellow Shi'ite leaders who have forbidden the Alliance to enter the city. Negotiations are going on between al-Sadr and other leaders to find a solution to the stand-off. Initially hopeful that al-Sistani would force al-Sadr to capitulate, the coalition was disappointed where, while he called for all sides to show restraint, he focused instead on condemning coalition activities in Fallujah. In mid May of 2004, Coalition forces began pushing into Najaf. In the process, they invaded several mosques to seize weaponry, and there were reports of damage on some of Shia Islam's holiest shrines. The Coalition has reported a steady stream of al-Madhi army casualties, al-Sadr and hospital officials have disputed the numbers, and both have claimed that many of them were civilians. The al-Madhi army has claimed few American casualties, but on May 17, it was reported that the army drove Italian troops from their base in Nasiriyah called "Libeccio" ("southwest wind") [36]. 10 Italians were wounded, along with 20 al-Madhi army fighters wounded and two killed, in the assault. Meanwhile, a convoy transporting the Italian official in charge of the city came under attack, and two Italians were wounded. The base was peacefully retaken the next day in a negotiated settlement with local clan leaders.

While the Alliance has continually insisted that he has little support, and there have been limited clashes with the smaller SCIRI, he has seldom been condemned by his more senior clerics. Islamic courts have expanded their influence in areas he controls, the sacred Imam Ali mosque now ends its call for prayers with a request for divine protection for him, and his followers have clearly been large in number. [37] Many believe that al-Sistani has not spoken out against al-Sadr for fear of turning Shiite against Shiite. A poll in Iraq found that, in mid May, 32% of Iraqis strongly support al-Sadr, and another 36% somewhat support him.

Hostages

In response to the occupation, some militants have taken foreign and Iraqi hostages, including citizens of countries both supporting and opposed to the invasion. This includes people from Bulgaria, Canada, China, France, India, Israel, Italy, Japan, Jordan, Nepal, Pakistan, Russia, South Korea, Thailand, Turkey, Ukraine, the United Kingdom, and the United States of America.

The hostage-taking appears to be uncoordinated, with different groups making various demands. Some hostages are released, whilst others are killed, often by beheading the victim. Al-Sadr has denied any involvement in hostage taking.

Fall-out

As a result of the uprisings U.S. General John Abizaid, has requested an addition 10,000 troops be sent to Iraq after admitting that a number of Iraqi security personnel had abandoned their posts or joined the Iraqi resistance. On April 16, U.S. Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld announced that he had approved General Abizaid's request and had extended the tour of roughly 20,000 soldiers, who were scheduled to be rotated out of Iraq, by three months. A fresh mass grave was found near Ramadi, containing the bodies of over 350 Iraqis [38]. It is unclear whether this mass grave contained dead civilians and/or militants.

Some coalition members leave Iraq

A few days after the 11 March 2004 Madrid attacks, popular opposition to the occupation was reinvigorated in Spain and the ruling Partido Popular was accused of deceiving the public by blaming the attack on ETA rather than fundamentalist Muslims. A new government was elected and announced that they no longer support the United States occupation of Iraq and are withdrawing all of their troops. The prime minister elect JosŽ Luis Rodr’guez Zapatero of the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party who ousted former conservative prime minister JosŽ Mar’a Aznar stated, "The occupation is a fiasco. There have been almost more deaths after the war than during the war," he said. "The occupying forces have not allowed the United Nations to take control of the situation." On April 17, 2004, Zapatero ordered the immediate withdrawal of Spanish troops to avoid being involved in an anticipated struggle for the Shiite holy city of Najaf.

Following on the heels of this, several other nations that once formed the Coalition of the Willing have begun to balk at their role. The Dutch refused a US offer to commit their troops to Iraq past June 30, while Honduran officials stated that they plan to withdraw their troops as well - the announcement coming one day after they had stated that they would stay. The troops of the Dominican Republic will leave Iraq as soon as possible. It is speculated that El Salvador and Guatemala will likely follow suit. South Korea is not withdrawing its troops, but has canceled its plans to deploy an additional 3,600 troops to around Kirkuk, opting instead for regions they consider more stable (which may prove problematic to US military planners).

On the heels of the 2004 spring uprising, Kazakhstan confined its 30 troops to their headquarters indefinitely, and announced that they will be withdrawn after its tour ends in May. New Zealand has announced that it will withdraw its 60 troops in September, and Singapore has announced that its 200 troops have returned home and that it has no plans to send any further troops. Thailand, who was already planning not to renew their troop commitment after September, has announced that it is investigating withdrawing its troops before the June 30 transition. Portugal has announced a similar investigation. The Philippines have put a hold on new deployments and are planning to pull out. Bulgaria isn't pulling out, but is letting any of its troops who want to leave go home; 62 out of 480 had left as of April 17th. Nicaragua is leaving as well, claiming that they are too poor to pay for their deployment. President Ricardo Maduro announced that the troops will be pulled out shortly. Other nations, while staying in, are facing strong opposition at home and may, as Denmark does, have an election coming up soon.

Many nations that have announced withdrawal plans or are considering them have stated that they may reconsider if there is a new UN resolution that grants the UN more authority in Iraq.

On 16 July 2004, The Philippines ordered the withdrawal of all of its troops in Iraq in order to comply with the demands of terrorists holding Filipino citizen Angelo de la Cruz as a hostage. De la Cruz was confirmed released on 20 July, after all Philippine troops had left Iraq.

Management of Iraq Reconstruction Programme

A report issued by the international survey council for Iraq, created by the UN, has questioned the US management of Iraqi funds ([39] New York Times, Cash Flow: U.N. Criticizes Iraq Occupation Oil Sales, 14 December 2004).

The report mainly questions the USA for massive irregularities on the sale of raw oil, and on the conditions for attributing Iraq Reconstruction contracts, particularly to a Halliburton-related company, paid with Iraqi funds. According to the agency which controls the defense contracts in the USA, in October, five projects amongting 812 million US dollars has numerous irregularities, notably abscence of required technical evaluations, and unjustified or exagerated costs.

See also

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