Lebanese Forces

The Lebanese Forces were the Lebanese Resistance during the war in Lebanon against the palestinians, Syria and their lebanese allies.

Foundation

In opposition to an alliance of Palestinian and leftist militias, the Lebanese Forces (LF) were organized in 1976 under the leadership of Bachir Gemayel, as the military counterpart to the Lebanese Front, a political coalition. The LF was a coalition of Christian militias, including the Kataeb, the Social Democratic Party, the Tigers, the National Liberal Party, the Tanzim, the Lebanese Resistance Movement and the Guardians of the Cedars, the Lebanese National Movement. Bachir Gemayel built the LF to unit the resistance.

Lebanese Forces

1976/82: Bachir Gemayel, commander in chief and president of the command council of the Lebanese Forces.

1982/84: Fady Frem, commander in chief and president of the command council of the Lebanese Forces.

1984/90: Fouad Abou Nader, commander in chief and president of the command council of the Lebanese Forces.

With the "intifada" inside the Lebanese Forces, Elie Hobeika became the president of the executive comitte of the Lebanese Forces in 1985 and Samir Geagea became the chief of staff of the Lebanese Forces in 1985 and after a second "intifada", he became the president of the executive committee of the Lebanese Forces in 1986.

Bachir Gemayel

Biography of Bachir Gemayel

Bashir Gemayel - 1947 - 1982

Bashir Gemayel was born in Beirut, on November 10, 1947. He was the youngest of a family of six children: four girls and two boys. His home-town was Bikfaya in the caza of Metn. His father was Pierre Gemayel, founder and president of the Lebanese Kataeb party.

• He completed his primary and intermediate studies at "Notre-Dame de Jamhour" and his secondary studies at the Lebanese Modern Institute.
• In 1962, he joined the Kataeb party and became a member in the Kataeb Student Section
• In 1968, he participated in a student colloquium organized by the newspaper Orient, following the events which occurred in the universities between the leftist students supporting Palestinians in Lebanon and Lebanese and nationalist students.
• In 1970, Palestinian militants kidnapped him from Dekwaneh to the Tal el-Zaater camp and released him after 8 hours. This incident had an impact on his subsequent political positions.
• In 1970, he paid a visit to Egypt in response to an invitation addressed to him by Khaled Abdul-Nasser, the son of President Jamal Abdul-Nasser, with whom he met, and he was impressed by his personality.
• He received a degree in Law (1971) and a degree in Political Science (1973) from the Saint Joseph University in Beirut.
• During the course of his university studies, he taught for three years (1968 - 1971) Civil Education at the intermediate and secondary levels in the Lebanese Modern Institute.
• In 1971, he was appointed inspector in the Kataeb Regular Forces, which was the para-military branch of the Kataeb party.

He traveled the same year to Dallas, Texas to take a law course; he obtained in 1972 a degree from the American and International Law Academy.

• He joined the bar association and opened an office in Hamra street, in West Beirut (1972-1975).
• In 1973, he was appointed vice-president of the Kataeb Achrafieh sector.

In 1974, he founded the "B.G." squad, the core of the Lebanese Forces, which was formed by university students in order to face the Palestinian military danger, reflected at that time by armed barricades, kidnapping and attacks on citizens.

• In 1976, he was appointed vice-president of the Kataeb Military Council, then, president of the Military Council following the death of William Hawi in the Tal el-Zaater battle.

During the same year, he met the Druze leader, Kamal Jumblatt, in order to unify the Lebanese ranks against the spread of the Syrian army in Lebanon. During the same year, he formed the unified Lebanese Forces and headed its leadership council.

• In 1977, he married Solange Toutoungi.
• In 1978, the Syrian army arrested him in Sassine square and held him for a short period.

In the same year, his daughter Maya was born. He led the "100 days war" against the Syrian forces which bombarded the two sectors of Achrafieh and Ain el-Remaneh.

• In 1980, his daughter Maya was killed by a car bomb aimed at him.

His daughter Youmna was born later. During the same year, he unified the military forces in the Eastern sector and put an end to the military confusion in this region, He became a member in the Lebanese Front which represented at that time the highest political power in the Eastern sector.

• In 1981, he led the battle of Zahleh, which was surrounded by the Syrian army in the Bekaa valley.

He paid his most important visit to the United States, to explain the Lebanese cause.

• In 1982, he organized the first international conference of solidarity with Lebanon.

During the same year, his son Nadim was born. He became a member in the "National Salvation Front", which was founded by president Elias Sarkis, which included many Lebanese Christian and Muslim leaders.

• Before he was elected president of the Lebanese Republic, he traveled to Taef in Saudi Arabia where he met with the foreign ministers of the Arab countries.

The Lebanese parliament elected him president of the Lebanese Republic on August 23, 1982. He was killed along with many of his companions in the explosion of the Kataeb headquarters in the Achrafieh sector on September 14, 1982.

The institutions founded by Bashir Gemayel

Al-Ashbal : its first camp was organized under the patronage of sheikh Bashir in Jbeil scout camping grounds (1975). Popular Committees: launched by sheikh Bashir in 1976, their aim is the people’s participation in the organization of daily life. Hamat Airport: created by sheikh Bashir in 1976 for special tourist trips and for the export of agricultural products.... Radio Free Lebanon : founded by sheikh Bashir in 1978 to explain to the world the reality of the Lebanese cause. Radio 102: out of sheikh Bashir’s desire for a commercial station in order to alleviate the burden of the war (1979). Delta Computer: founded in 1979 as a specialized information body related to all components of social organization. Help Lebanon: founded to take care of children and alleviate the consequences of the war. Lebanese Forces television (LBC): launched in 1980 as a national, educational, cultural and non-commercial television. Gamma Group: an institution including specialists to plan the building of a modern state in all of its sectors (1982). The Lebanese Cultural Association: created in 1982 to deal with intellectual, literature and artistic affairs as well as Lebanese civilization. Achrafieh Merchants Committee: created in 1982 to revive the economy and trade and organize the market. Achrafieh Festival Committee: created in 1982 to organize fairs and exhibitions and to encourage artistic activities.

Fady Frem

Fady Frem

• Fady Frem was born in Achrafieh, in 1954.

• Married Lina Abou Nader, the granddaughter of Cheikh Pierre Gemayel. She is the sister of Dr Fouad Abou Nader.

• Completed his secondary education from College des Freres Chretiens.

• He holds a Degree in Mechanical engineering from the American University of Beirut.

• He started his political and military life with the incidents of 1969 against the Palestinians organizations.

• He was one of the first members of the "BG" unit that fought the Palestinians in 1975 with Fouad Abou Nader.

• In 1978, he was appointed in the military intelligence.

• In 1980, he became the vice president of the Chief of Staff. And after Zahle war he became the Chief of Staff of the Lebanese Forces.

• On September 13, 1982, one day before president Bachir Gemayel was assassinated, he was elected as the leader of the Lebanese Forces.

• He stayed in this position until the election of Fouad Abou Nader on October 9th, 1984.

• He was one of the founder of the "Saddem" unit with Bachir Gemayel. During his leadership, the central force was formed, it included the 101 Parachutist unit and the special force unit 77.

• He lead the Lebanese Forces in one of its toughest time: Bashir Gemayel assassination and the Mountain war.

• He accepted Tripartite accord and after refused it. He refused also Taef accord and Syrian tutelage. Now, he lives in Canada.

Fouad Abou Nader

Who is Fouad Abou Nader?

I am born in 1956 ( on June 27 ) in Baalbeck. I began my studies in a school in Beirut. Then, i joined Jamhour, from where I was gracefully returned into "terminale". So, I made my applied sciences in the college Mont-La-Salle. Then I joined the AUB. I spent there one year, during which I took part more in brawls and politics than medicine. Then the war started. So, I registered in the FFM ( USJ ). I obtained there my diploma of medicine in 1982.

And your past as resistant?

I adhered to the Kataeb Party at the beginning of the years 1970. I especially worked within the framework of the militia of the party, and on the level of the organization of the students. -In 1974, he participated in his first fight against the Palestinians in Dekwaneh.- In the Kataeb regular forces, I was member of the "Bejin" ( BG for Boutros – Pierre – Gemayel, troop led by Bachir Gemayel ) from which resulted the majority from the executives of the Lebanese Forces. From this troop, we were integrated into the military Council Kataeb. In 1980, the LF were really founded. Then we worked within this framework. I became chief of the operations - or what is called the third office – in the LF. In 1982, I became chief of staff and in 1984, commander-in-chief of the LF.

Is your promotion within the LF related to your relationship with the Gemayel family?

It is certain that many people see the things thus. Those who do not know me affirm only if I were not the grandson of Pierre Gemayel, I would not be there, today. Since you raise this question, I will tell you a small history: before the war, I passed four to five years in the regular Forces kataeb. I was treated there like any other militiaman and even my closer friends were unaware of than I was the grandson of sheikh Pierre Gemayel. It is only during war the two year old, when I was wounded for the first time and that sheikh Pierre came to visit me to the hospital, that they learned my family tie with him. Not so much because of the visit in itself - sheikh Pierre returned visited regularly to all the casualties - but rather of a particular emotion in my mother ( Claude Gemayel ) ... So I am very proud of being able to say that I created something by myself and that I climbed one by one levels, small combatant with the chief, discreetly and thanks to my capacities. However, I am very proud to belong to this family, that of sheikh Pierre, who learned to me much from things, in particular a certain ethics in the life.

Bachir Gemayel (1982 ): "if the LF should give a medal of honnor to one of his fighter, it would be Fouad Abou Nader". Fady Frem ( 1984 ): "Bachir wanted Fouad took the LF after me, now it is done". CIA report ( 1984 ): “Fouad Abou Nader is certainly the biggest military expert in the Middle East”. Charles Malek ( 1986 ): “Do you know why all they hate Dr Fouad Abou Nader, it is because people loves him”.

Fouad Abou Nader draw the LF red cross, not against the muslims but only to say that the christians are in Lebanon to stay and the DELTA logo, because of the three resistance battles in the begginning of the war.

Fouad Abou Nader founded the Saddem special force. He protected the lebanese muslims by hiding them in the free areas at the time of the israeli bombardment of West Beirut.

Fouad Abou Nader stayed President ( ra2is ) of the Command Council and Commander in chief ( ka2d el a3la ) of the Lebanese Forces and also, prominent member of the Kataeb political office until the end of the war despite the intifadas of 1985 and 1986 and the assassination attempt against him in 1986.

He refused the Tripartite accord in 1985 and the Taef accord in 1989 and the Fraternity accord with Syria in 1991.

To have rejected the Taef accord and joinned the people rally in Baabda in 1990, he was put out from the political office of the Kataeb Party.

He supported Aoun’s war of liberation but refused to participate to the Aoun/Geagea's conflict in 1989/90 ( he searched to reconcile the both camps ).

Fouad Abou Nader defended Lebanon in 1990 with the lebanese army against Syria assault. The last resistance’s battle against Syria in 1990, was led by Abou Rabbih's men after he received the order from Fouad Abou Nader. His companion, Elias el Zayek was killed in 1990 and after, Dany Chamoun with who, he formed the new Lebanese Front.

He lived in Lebanon under occupation, dividing the daily of the Lebanese people. In 1994, when Samir Geagea was jailed ( juged coupable for the assassination of Elias el Zayek ), he refused to open the file about the assassination attempt against him.

His wife, Sandra, was wounded at the time of the attack which killed Rafic Hariri. He participed to the lebanese revolution in 2005 against Syria and even, stayed and slept with the youngs in the Beirut’s downtown. He made reappear from its ashes the council of command of the Lebanese forces under the name of “Former Lebanese Forces” also known under the name of “Bachir Gemayel’s companions” or even the “Authentic Lebanese Forces”. He should have joined the new kataeb higher political council after his companions joined the kataeb political office ( as opposants of Amine Gemayel, “supreme president” and Karim Pakradouni, “president” of the Kataeb Party ) but the higher political council was not founded and Fouad Abou Nader didn’t enter in the Kataeb Party. The current of Fouad Abou Nader was known under the name of “social democratic” ( in french, démocrate social ).

For now, he is founding a new party with the former members of the LF including Jocelyne Khoueiry and Joe Eddé, Massoud Achkar and Joseph el Zayek’s Union For Lebanon, the former members of the Kataeb Party including Walid Farès, Ibrahim Haddad, David Aucar and Naji Hajjar, the former members of the National Liberal Party including Charles Ghostine, Gilbert Ghostine, Maroun Helou and Elie Assouad, the Lebanese National Movement and the former members of the Guardians of the Cedar of Etienne Sakr, the Lebanese Resistance Movement and the former members of the Tanzim including Fawzi Mahfouz and Obad Zouein, the former members of the National Bloc and the Chabeb Bach Maroun and also, former members of the Waad Party, Hanna Atik and ex LF officers from the Saddem and others, Fady Chamati’St Ilige league, Selman Samaha, Antoine Najem, Touffic Hindi, etc. and youngs groups as Samy Gemayel’s Loubnanouna and Chabeb el Ghad.

Gamma Group's project:

THE DREAM

A Strong Lebanese Government

Only a strong government will be able to restore stability to Lebanon and secure the withdrawal of all foreign forces: PLO, Syrians, Israelis, Iranians and the UNIFIL. Total Syrian, Iranian and Palestinian armed forces withdrawal from Lebanon is prerequisite to the strengthening of a central Lebanese government. Bachir Gemayel categorically rejected the notion of a weak and compromising President. For Gemayel, the concept of a strong government was based on the following:

1. A democratic, sovereign state guaranteeing equity and security for all citizens in all of its institutions.

2. A Lebanon with a strong and duly elected Parliament; an independent, impartial and truthful media; a better education for all Lebanese; an honest judicial system; and above all a strong and dedicated Lebanese Army to maintain law and order and defend the country against foreign aggression.

3. A Lebanon that will no longer permit private militias to exist but will make that all foreign forces will leave its soil.

4. A government that will unite the Lebanese into one, undivided people.

A strong Lebanese government needs a strong Lebanese Army. With a strong army, Bachir believed, Lebanon would have no need for foreign armed presence on its soil. the Lebanese people, Moslems and Christians, those of the South or of the North, have demanded that only the Lebanese Army be empowered to protect them. Such an army would not only need to be re-equipped and strengthened through a program of military draft but most importantly would need strong leadership within its ranks, increased motivation and a sense of national duty. Gemayel expressed strong confidence in the ability of the Lebanese Army, under the proper leadership, to extend Lebanon's sovereignty over the entire country. The Lebanese Army's main problem was not its inability to defend Lebanon; rather, it was the lack of leadership and firm decision by a civilian government.

As for the militias, all of them must be dissolved either by being integrated--man and materiel--with the Lebanese Army itself or by giving up their military role and returning to the daily tasks of civilian life. In this context, Gemayel repeatedly pledged that following the evacuation of foreign forces from Lebanon and with an order from the new government, the Lebanese Forces would cease to exist.

The Lebanese Moslems

Since the beginning of its existence, Lebanon had been internationally known as a democratic state build on tolerance, equity and hospitality among its own people and towards the foreigners who sought refuge from persecution.

Bachir Gemayel strongly believed in the unity of Lebanon: one people, one land and one government. In the last five years of his life, he had stressed the need for a Lebanese national entente and reunification of the Lebanese Moslems and Christians. he called on the Lebanese Moslems to reject foreign occupation and be true partners in the creation of a new Lebanon:

"I extend my appeal to all our Lebanese Moslems brothers in the occupied areas to assure them and to remove from their hearts any doubts, fear, ambiguity or effects of Syrian and Palestinian brainwashing, and to emphasize to them that we are their natural and true allies as well as their original partners in our common Lebanese life." (March 21, 1982)

Gemayel stressed that the Palestinians and Syrians had driven a wedge between the Lebanese themselves so that foreign occupation could be perpetuated indefinitely.

"The Syrians and the Palestinians are imposing partition on us.... We cannot accept the disintegration of our country.... Partition is a myth propagated by Syrian and the PLO." (March 21, 1982)

He urged the Lebanese Moslems to understand the truth and be convinced that their Lebanese brothers in East Beirut were genuine allies. He urged them to free themselves from the thinking imposed upon them by the foreigners. He invited them to a dialogue and mutual understanding before the country could suffer further destruction.

"Let us march together: You have your own circumstances which we understand and respect. But let us be one people with a strong legitimate government." (March 21, 1982)

Lebanon has suffered over 100,000 casualties, over 250,000 wounded citizens and billions of dollars in material losses. Gemayel pleaded with t he Lebanese Moslems to help put an end to this tragedy:

"Do not bow to blackmail; do not believe the lies you are told. You must your confidence in your Lebanese brothers than in the occupying forces.... Let all the sons of Lebanon rally around the homeland.... there is no room for recriminations and trivial sensitivities. Let us take a unified decision to free our land." (March 21,1982)

Gemayel added:

"We assure the Lebanese Moslems that we will fight on their side.... We are one people and one country.... We will not exist without them." (March 21, 1982)

Gemayel believed that once the foreigners left Lebanon and a new government assumed power, all the Lebanese should by then have put aside their differences. the Lebanese of the new Lebanon must not resolve their differences through violence and force; rather through the rule of law and the political process as provided for in a democratic constitution. He called for a new formula to be established to provide security and respect for every Lebanese citizen. Such a formula would be revised periodically and reassessed to meet the needs of the people. The basic principles of the formula are:

1. The unity of Lebanon.

2. Liberty, security and justice for all Lebanese within the framework of a democratic regime guaranteeing basic freedom as a "bill of rights".

3. Strong and peaceful relations between Lebanon and the surrounding states of the region.

(November 29, 1981)

The people of Lebanon will still look forward to the day the can be united ad free to travel from one end of the country to the other without being subjected to foreign harassment and terrorism. This unity needs to be nourished by a true Lebanese sense of nationalism and consciousness.

The Palestinians and the PLO

Between 1948 and 1968 Lebanon gave the Palestinian refugees shelter, food, jobs and protection. The refugees lived protected by t he Lebanese laws as if they were Lebanese, and were treated like guests with compassion and respect. Furthermore, Lebanese scholars, businessmen, workers and youth in and outside the country espoused their cause and internationally defended their rights.

Soon, however, the guests sought to reverse their role and become the masters. They armed themselves and embarked on a political conspiracy to destabilize Lebanon, partition it, destroy its institutions, divide its population along confessional lines, and lastly establish a state within a state.

Bachir Gemayel drew a clear distinction between the PLO and the civilian Palestinians in Lebanon. He called for a dialogue with the Palestinians within the concept of Lebanon's sovereignty which cannot tolerate any Palestinian armed presence on its soil regardless of size and purpose.

he invited the civilian Palestinians to remain in Lebanon as long as it is necessary without fear of any retaliation as long as they obeyed Lebanese laws and did not involve themselves in acts of treason against the state. Those civilians may remain until a final solution is reached regarding their future and status.

The PLO never respected Lebanese laws, nor abided by precious agreements they concluded with the Lebanese Government, namely the Cairo, Melkart and Chtaura agreements. They have been responsible in large measure for the political, military, social and economic destruction of Lebanon. they have been responsible for promoting and training many of the world terrorists. they were also responsible for the Israeli military operation in Lebanon and the destruction of Beirut.

In the summer of 1982 Gemayel added his voice to those of all Lebanese, rejecting any redeployment of the PLO in other Lebanese regions, namely in the North or the Bekaa. The PLO must unconditionally leave Lebanon. Gemayel totally rejected the concept of implanting the Palestinians in Lebanon. Lebanon is not and will not be a substitute of Palestine. Furthermore, he rejected any partial settlement of the Lebanese-Palestinian problem for Lebanon's sovereignty is not divisible.

Instead, Gemayel called for new Palestinian-Lebanese relations to go beyond hostility to "confidence and cooperation within the framework of Lebanese laws and sovereignty." (August 7, 1982)

Lebanon and the United States

Bachir Gemayel believed that the U.S. and Lebanon are natural allies since they enjoy a common cultural affinity, similar ideological beliefs, free economic systems and strong commitment to human rights and dignity.

Both the U.S. and Lebanon believe in:

1. A pluralistic society where people of various ethnic and religious creeds can share alike and be equally protected by the law.

2. A democratic system where the will of the majority is respected and where opposition can be heard.

3. A free enterprise system allowing private initiative and ingenuity to develop without the ear of nationalization or confiscation.

4. A strong commitment to a "bill of rights' provided for by the constitution and the judicial system to protect all citizens from injustice and abuse.

Lebanon, in addition, offered the U.S. several strategic values:

1. There are three major extensions of Soviet policy converging in Lebanon: Syria, whose army is in Lebanon; the PLO, who live in Lebanon; and Libya, whose largest politico-military investment is in Lebanon. This is in addition to Soviet and East European trade, cultural and political activities which have threatened the existence of the pro-West Lebanon. Hence, a strong Lebanese state would blunt all this activity.

2. International terrorism, largely exported from Lebanon, could be brought under control for the benefit of free nations everywhere.

3. The peace process would be helped by downgrading Syria's ability to oppose it. Defusing the volatile Lebanese flash-point would increase regional stability and help preserve continual access to oil.

Gemayel believed in the U.S. leadership of the Free World and he was confident that Washington would strengthen its ties to Lebanon. the Lebanese people, he declared, do not wish that their American friends fight their battle and suffer casualties. However, they look to the U.S. for economic and military aid so that they themselves may free their country.

There are about two and one-half million Americans of Lebanese descent, some of whom have rendered great services to the United States of America. Lebanon is proud of them and wishes to strengthen the ties between countries through their efforts and the efforts of the American friends of Lebanon, since what truly lasts are the strong bonds of friendship between the two peoples.

Social, Economic and Political Future of Lebanon

Since its independence, Lebanon has been the only democracy in the Arab World where peoples of all creeds and cultural co-existed in harmony and peace. Lebanon's constitution provided a system that initially was much praised for its tolerance, freedom and stability. Lebanon was the envy of the Arab people where many sought refuge, fleeing from their own regimes and country. But like any other system, the Lebanese system needed periodic reexamination on its social, economic and political levels to keep peace with modernization and the needs of the society.

Bachir Gemayel, with his futuristic vision, rejected the perpetuation of the present Lebanese system and institutions which had become archaic and out-dated and instead called for a modern system.

The old Lebanon according to Gemayel, with his futuristic vision, would be replaced by a

"new Lebanon free from corruption, incompetence and traditional feudalism....The Lebanese people shall learn to be loyal to Lebanon only and such loyalty shall be the basis of their relations with other foreign countries....No more Arab and non-Arab regimes will be allowed to finance and buy the Lebanese media. However, this new Lebanon must be created by the Moslems and Christians alike; with love, trust and unity." (September 8, 1982)

Gemayel vehemently opposed a one-party system. Although he himself belonged to the Kataeb Party and believed that the raison d'être for the Kataeb is Lebanon's independence, he strongly called for pluralism and a multi-party system in a democratic state.

He sought a Lebanon where justice and the rule of law prevailed and where national faith is sustained by a healthy economy shared by all. This new Lebanon needed a new National Pact, or better, a new social contract based on:

1. Freedom and economic planning as its base.

2. Production and equal opportunity as its approach.

3. Partnership as its style (May 1, 1982)

Gemayel declared Lebanon would have:

"freedom without anarchy, economic planning without government control, production that will produce equity, justice and equal opportunity with a partnership between the Government Management and Labor." (May 1, 1982)

Gemayel was committed to a free economic system based on individual initiative and private ownership.

"We want a society of freedom. That freedom is indivisible; therefor, a free system of government cannot co-exist with an unfree economic system. Consequently, we declare our attachment to a free economic system as well as to a free Lebanon." (May 1, 1982)

The government shall "not run the economy, but only prevent abuses, bribes, monopolies, exploitation and corruption. Merit by accountability shall be the criteria in hiring and firing labor." For Gemayel, the workers have a "natural right to organize themselves into syndicates and unions." It is the duty of the Labor movement in Lebanon to "assume more responsibility" in the socio-economic life of the country. Furthermore, "Labor and Management should not be isolated from each other, rather, they shall form a partnership."

The future of Lebanon depends on its ability to remain the center of "excellence in education." No child shall be without school and Lebanon shall be called the technological brain of the Middle East. Gemayel sums it up in these words:

"Every Lebanese has the inalienable right to be equally protected under the law. He has the right to an honorable life and the pursuit of happiness." (May 1, 1982)

Lebanon and Syria

Lebanon shall insist upon normalization of its relations with Syria through the establishment of diplomatic relations, Gemayel maintained. Lebanese-Syrian relations shall be based on equality and mutual respect.

Lebanon's differences with Syria go back to Lebanon's independence; Syria has continuously sought to make Lebanon a province of "Greater Syria".

Lebanon has, in the past, been subjected to various hostile political and military actions by Syria. Damascus has periodically closed its borders with Lebanon causing great financial losses for Lebanon's transit business with other Arab countries. It has refused to establish an embassy in Lebanon, and above all persists in teaching its children that Lebanon is a part of the Syrian homeland.

Syria helped instigate the present war in Lebanon when Syrian forces entered Lebanon as part of an Arab Deterrent Force, placed under the command of the Lebanese President to help restore peace and security to the country. Slowly, however, the Syrians turned into an occupying force directly responsible to the leadership of Damascus. Instead of uniting the country, the Syrians promoted partition; instead of peace, they caused bloodshed along factional lines; instead of disarming the PLO, they incited them to fight the Christians and to undermine the authority of Lebanon, creating a state within a state; and instead of protecting Lebanon from Israeli invasion, they hastened such an invasion.

As of July 26, 1982, the Syrian presence in Lebanon is illegal, constituting a flagrant violation of Lebanon's sovereignty since they have been officially asked by the Lebanese government to leave the country.

The Syrian occupation, according to Gemayel, only serves Soviet interests. It camouflages international communist expansion in Lebanon and the region under the cover of Arabism.

Furthermore, Syria's claim that it must control the Bekaa Valley because it is essential to its security is a pretext to keep its forces in Lebanon. Such a claim could also justify Israeli counter-claims for Israeli's security. Gemayel declared tat Syria was not concerned with security but with expansion and territorial gains. Under Syrian occupation, the Bekaa would become another South Lebanon: the scene of destruction and bloodshed. Syria's claim for security was like the Communist claim for security in Afghanistan.

the Lebanese people reject any Syrian presence in Lebanon. Gemayel often proclaimed that the Lebanese people are descendents of a 6,000-year-old civilization and do not need Syrian protection or guidance. Syrian forces must return home and any future Syrian-Lebanese relations must e formulated within the framework of uncompromising sovereignty of Lebanon.

Gemayel had repeatedly invited the Syrians to a dialogue that would make Damascus understand that Lebanon is not a Syrian puppet or province.

the Lebanese will have no choice but to resist Syrian occupation if it continues. The people of Lebanon refuse to be enslaved and will not die or vanish because of Syrian terrorism.

Lastly, despite all the suffering Syria has caused Lebanon and its population, Gemayel invited the Syrians to start a new era of friendly and productive relations. Lebanon, he believed, would be prepared to extend its arms to Syria and play a role in Syria's development and modernization.

by keeping its forces on Lebanon soil, Syria has nothing to gain, but much to lose since it will not break the Lebanese will and yearning for freedom and self-rule.

Lebanon and Israel

The nation-state Israel was formed after World War II. Yet Arab policy-makers and political and intellectual leaders never considered the existence of the state of Israel a fact of Middle East politics. Thus they have continued to perpetuate an unrealistic approach in their regional and world politics.

Since 1948, Lebanon has been the only Arab country on the border of Israel to pursue an undeclared and unofficial peace with its new neighbor. Lebanon and Israel legally signed an armistice treaty at the end of the Arab-Israeli war in 1948. but no further development in official, legal or normalized relations between the two neighboring and independent states occurred

Bachir Gemayel held a different view and began building a more realistic regional policy for his country long before he was elected President of Lebanon. Contrary to traditional Lebanese and Arab regional policy, Gemayel's policy took into full account the existence of a strong, modern state on Lebanon's southern border which had the distinction of being non-Moslem with a significant non-Arab population.

To Bachir, as to other non-Moslems and even some Moslems, Israel was a good example of a modern, democratic state and a potential ally for those who were working for free, democratic. western-style states in the Middle East. Toward that end, Bachir initiated communication with the leaders of the state of Israel. This relationship soon became systematic and permanent. And in spite of the unequal partnership--Israel being a strong state and Bachir Gemayel the leader of a Lebanese community only--Bachir always made the effort to work with Israel as an equal. He succeeded in nurturing a good relationship between an independent and free people and an independent and free state.

After Basher's election to the Presidency, the special relationship he developed became more evident. he was the only leader in Lebanon and the Middle East who could talk about and build upon the relationship between Israel and Lebanon without prejudice. To him, Israel was a fact and any Lebanese regional policy needed to accept Israeli's existence as a state and consider its historical importance and weight in regional politics. He believed that Lebanon could live in peace with Israel and that such a peace could benefit both states and even help pave the way for a general Middle East peace.

Gemayel saw the 1982 Israeli "Operation Peace for Galilee" as an important development for Lebanon which would not only equilibrate Syrian influence on Lebanese politics, but could also generate a new political dynamic, which, if properly used, could lead to the simultaneous withdrawal of Syrian and Israeli troops from Lebanon. By the summer of 1982, the equilibrium of forces in Lebanon had changed and the Lebanese, he believed, finally had the opportunity to act in their best interest and invest in that change.

Lebanon and the Arab World

Lebanon is the gate to the Arab World. Lebanese culture and ingenuity, in spite of its pro-Western affinity and outlook, remains, in essence, rooted in the Orient. there are over one million Lebanese working in the Arab World, helping its governments and peoples to modernize through cultural, social and economic developments. Lebanese financial institutions have been instrumental in managing Arab funds and in financing Arab construction and development. Furthermore, despite the war, which for nine years has engulfed its territory and people, Lebanon remained the Middle East's center for economic, social and cultural development and achievement. Most of all, Lebanon continues to be the key to stability, peace or war in the region.

Unfortunately, the Arab countries have in the past collaborated with the Syrians to prolong the Lebanese crisis. All Arab and non-Arab countries were pleased to perpetuate the problems of Lebanon where the "fire of death" was contained although it was consuming Lebanon and its people. hence, Gemayel described the Lebanese as having been "crucified" for the past seven years. (March 15, 1982)

Gemayel strongly supported Arab initiatives to restore Lebanon's sovereignty. "We believe in the Arab initiatives to be proper channels thorough which the Lebanese crisis could be resolved." (March 15, 1982)

He joined, supported and totally cooperated with the Arab Following-up Committee, which was working to resolve the crisis in Lebanon in 1981-82.

"We were asked to make due apology for mischiefs we have not committed, yet we have accepted. We equally took initiative to make overtures towards the Syrians and the Palestinians to bring them to cooperate with us, but our efforts were in vain." (March 15, 1982)

The Arabs failed to live up to their promises and help resolve the Lebanese crisis.

Gemayel firmly believed that Lebanon has a great role to play in emancipation of the Arab world. but Lebanon must be respected and trusted as an equal and be free of foreign intervention, including Arab intervention. Arab governments must understand that Lebanon is a sovereign state and has right to reject any policy contrary to its national interests.

Gemayel warned the Arab world not to exploit the friendship and cooperation of the Lebanese people by attempting to settle Middle East conflicts at Lebanon's expense. He acknowledged, however, that during his visit to Taef, he was advised by his Saudi hosts that they understand Lebanon's problems and position on the PLO and Syria. Saudi leaders publicly lauded him for his leadership and vision. Gemayel insisted in his talks that the PLO and Syrian armed presence in Lebanon is not negotiable or open for compromise since it undermines Lebanon's sovereignty which cannot be divided among non-Lebanese armies.

Gemayel praised the efforts deployed by Saudi Arabia and Kuwait in helping Lebanon, and he called for stronger relations with these two countries. "The Lebanese people," he declared, "will reserve a special friendship for the Saudis and their Arab friends."

Conclusion

Today, years after Bachir's assassination, Lebanon still strives for peace, Its people still suffer from warfare, insecurity and economic strains. Lebanon soil is still subjected to foreign occupation.

Bachir Gemayel was one of the rare leaders who invoked popular emotions on both sides of the scale: joy and sadness, love and hatred. But above all, he was designing a path for Lebanon in Lebanon's best interest and leading way.

he addressed every Lebanese with his heart, in words they could understand. he spoke to the Lebanese about concerns they faced every day. he spoke to foreign leaders and countries about the inequities of the daily life of the Lebanese people under a foreign yoke.

He was first of all human being; he understood human sufferings as only one who suffered himself can understand. He was able to lead his people and relate to other leaders as equals. he raised Lebanon from a forgotten, dying country to a dynamic, hopeful and eager state.

Lebanon was in search of such a leader. Bachir became one long before his election as President, the center of gravity in Lebanese politics. He had become the real hope of the future generations.

History alone will judge what Bachir Gemayel achieved for his country. But for the young generation--the war generation and the generations to come--he proved that the nation which produce a Bachir Gemayel was still a viable nation.

From his life, we all learned. Form his experience, Lebanon will benefit for decades to come. For those who worked with him, died with him or achieved both great and small with him, the road is still long, full of hardships, emotion and things still to be achieved. A great deal remains to be done to raise Lebanon from its ashes. No effort should be spared. For those who did not have the chance to meet him, he will remain a myth, a strong personality, bound to the history of his country. For those who knew him, he is an inspiration. And it is sometimes good to regain strength from the legends of one's history.

In these difficult days, we are in need of the legend. We need to renew the dream. We can only hope that, in time, this dream will come true

External links

• Authentic Lebanese Forces Official website