Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, 1st Marquis of Pombal and Edmund Burke: Difference between pages

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{{Infobox_Philosopher |
[[Image:29 Decarvalho.jpg|thumb|350px|Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, Marquis of Pombal]]
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region = Western Philosophy |
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'''Sebastião José de Carvalho e Melo, Marquis of Pombal''' (in [[Portuguese language|Portuguese]], '''Marquês de Pombal''', [[Pronunciation|pron.]] {{IPA2|mɐɾ'keʃ dɨ 'põβaɫ}}), ([[13 May]] [[1699]] &ndash; [[15 May]] [[1782]]) was a [[Portugal|Portuguese]] statesman. He was [[Prime Minister of Portugal|Prime Minister]] to [[Joseph I of Portugal]] from 1750 to 1777. Pombal is notable for his swift and competent leadership in the aftermath of the [[1755 Lisbon earthquake]]. In addition he implemented sweeping economic policies in [[Portugal]] to regulate commercial activity and standardize quality throughout the country.
image_name = Burke-Edmund-LOC.jpg|
image_caption = Rt. Hon. Edmund Burke |


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==Early Days==
name = Edmund Burke|
birth = [[1729]] [[January 12]] ([[Dublin]], [[Ireland]]) |
death = [[1797]] [[July 9]] ([[Beaconsfield]], [[England]]) |
school_tradition = [[Classical liberalism]], [[conservatism]]|
main_interests = Social and political philosophy |
influences = |
influenced = [[John Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron Acton|Lord Acton]], [[Friedrich Hayek]], [[Karl Popper]]|
notable_ideas = |}}


'''Edmund Burke''' ([[January 12]], [[1729]] &ndash; [[July 9]], [[1797]]) was an [[Anglo-Irish]] statesman, author, orator, [[political theorist]], and [[philosophy|philosopher]], who served for many years in the [[British House of Commons]] as a member of the [[British Whig Party|Whig]] party. He is chiefly remembered for his support of the [[United States|American]] colonies in the struggle against King [[George III of the United Kingdom|George III]] that led to the [[American Revolution]] and for his strong opposition to the [[French Revolution]]. The latter made Burke one of the leading figures within the [[Conservatism|conservative]] faction of the Whig party (which he dubbed the "Old Whigs"), in opposition to the pro-revolutionary "New Whigs," led by [[Charles James Fox]]. Burke also published philosophical work on [[aesthetics]] and founded the ''[[Annual Register]]'', a political review. He is often regarded as the father of Anglo-American conservatism.<ref>Andrew Heywood, ''Political Ideologies: An Introduction. Third Edition'' (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 74.</ref>
Sebastião de Carvalho e Melo was born in [[Lisbon]], the son of Manuel de Carvalho e Ataíde, a country squire with properties in the [[Leiria]] region, and of his wife Teresa Luiza de Mendonça e Melo. During his youth he studied at the [[University of Coimbra]] and then served briefly in the army. He then moved to Lisbon and eloped with Teresa de Mendonça e Almada (1689-1737), the niece of the Count of Arcos Sebastião. The marriage was a turbulent one, as his wife had married him against her family's wishes. The in-laws made life unbearable for the young couple; the newlyweds eventually moved to de Melo's properties near Pombal.
==Life==
Burke, who was of [[Munster]] [[Catholic]] stock, was born in [[Dublin]] to a [[solicitor]] father who conformed to the [[Church of Ireland]]. His mother, whose maiden name was Nagle, belonged to the [[Roman Catholic Church]]. Burke was raised in his father's faith and would remain throughout his life a practicing [[Anglicanism|Anglican]], but his political enemies would later repeatedly accuse him of harbouring secret Catholic sympathies at a time when membership in the Catholic church would have disqualified him from public office (''see'' [[Penal Laws (Ireland)|Penal Laws in Ireland]]).


He received his early education at a [[Religious Society of Friends|Quaker]] school in Ballitore and in [[1744]] he proceeded to [[Trinity College, Dublin]]. In [[1747]], he set up a Debating Club, known as Edmund Burke's Club, which in 1770 merged with the Historical Club to form the [[College Historical Society (Trinity College, Dublin)|College Historical Society]]. The minutes of the meetings of Burke's club remain in the collection of the Historical Society. He graduated in [[1748]]. Burke's father wished him to study for the [[law]], and with this object he went to [[London]] in [[1750]] and entered the [[Middle Temple]], but soon thereafter he gave up his legal studies in order to travel in Continental [[Europe]].
[[Image:Pombal_portrait.jpg|right|thumb|Sebastião de Carvalho e Melo with the Order of Christ insignia]]


Burke's first published work, ''[[A Vindication of Natural Society: A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind]]'', appeared in [[1756]] and was fraudulently attributed to [[Henry St John, 1st Viscount Bolingbroke|Lord Bolingbroke]]. It was originally taken as a serious treatise on [[anarchism]]. Years later, with a government appointment at stake, Burke claimed that it had been intended as a [[satire]]. Many modern scholars consider it to be satire, but others take ''Vindication'' as a serious defence of anarchism (an interpretation notably espoused by [[Murray Rothbard]].) Whether satire or not, it was the first anarchist essay, and taken seriously by later anarchists such as [[William Godwin]]. In [[1757]] Burke published a treatise on aesthetics, ''[[A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful]]'', which attracted the attention of prominent Continental thinkers such as [[Denis Diderot]] and [[Immanuel Kant]]. The following year, with [[Robert Dodsley]], he created the influential ''Annual Register'', a publication in which various authors evaluated the international political events of the previous year. In London, Burke became closely connected with many of the leading intellectuals and artists, including [[Samuel Johnson]], [[David Garrick]], [[Oliver Goldsmith]], and [[Joshua Reynolds]].
==Political Career==


At about this same time, Burke was introduced to [[William Gerard Hamilton]] (known as "Single-speech Hamilton"). When Hamilton was appointed [[Chief Secretary for Ireland]], Burke accompanied him to Dublin as his private secretary, a position he maintained for three years. In [[1765]] Burke became private secretary to liberal Whig statesman [[Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham|Charles Watson-Wentworth]], the [[Marquess of Rockingham]], at the time [[Prime Minister of the United Kingdom]], who remained Burke's close friend and associate until his premature death in 1782.
In [[1738]], de Melo received his first public appointment as the Portuguese ambassador to [[Great Britain]]. In [[1745]] de Melo served as the Portuguese ambassador to [[Austria]]. The [[Queen consort]] of Portugal, Archduchess [[Mary Anne Josepha of Austria]] (1683 - 1754), was fond of him; after his first wife died she arranged for him to marry the daughter of the Austrian Field Marshal [[Leopold Josef, Count von Daun]]. King [[John V of Portugal|John]], however, was not pleased and recalled him in [[1749]]. John V died the following year and his son Joseph I of Portugal was crowned. Joseph I was fond of de Melo; with the Queen Mother's approval he appointed him as Minister of Foreign Affairs. As the King's confidence in him increased, the King entrusted him with more control of the state.


===Political career===
By [[1755]], the King appointed him Prime Minister. Impressed by English economic success, which he had witnessed while he was Ambassador, he successfully implemented similar economic policies in Portugal. He abolished slavery in the Portuguese colonies in [[India]], reorganized the army and the navy, and ended discrimination against non-Catholic Christians in Portugal.
[[Image:Burkestatue.jpg|thumb|Statue of Edmund Burke in Bristol. The inscription reads: Burke 1774-1780. "I wish to be a member of parliament to have my share of doing good and resisting evil". ''Speech at Bristol 1780''.]]
In [[1765]] Burke entered the [[Parliament of the United Kingdom|British Parliament]] as a member of the House of Commons for [[Wendover]], a [[pocket borough]] in the control of Lord [[Verney]], later 2nd Earl Verney, a close political ally of Rockingham. Burke took a leading role in the debate over the constitutional limits to the executive authority of the King. He argued strongly against unrestrained royal power and for the role of [[political party|political parties]] in maintaining a principled opposition capable of preventing abuses by the monarch or by specific factions within the government. His most important publication in this regard was his ''[http://oll.libertyfund.org/Texts/LFBooks/Burke0061/SelectWorks/HTMLs/0005-01_Pt02_Thoughts.html Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents]'' of [[1770]]. Burke expressed his support for the grievances of the American colonies under the government of King George III and his appointed representatives. He also campaigned against the persecution of [[Roman Catholic Church|Catholics]] in [[Ireland]] and denounced the abuses and corruption of the [[British East India Company|East India Company]].


In [[1769]] Burke published, in reply to [[George Grenville]], his pamphlet on ''The Present State of the Nation''. In the same year he purchased the small estate of Gregories near [[Beaconsfield]]. The 600-acre estate was purchased with mostly borrowed money, and though it contained an art collection that included works by [[Titian]], Gregories nevertheless would prove to be a heavy financial burden on the MP in the following decades. His speeches and writings had now made him famous, and among other effects had brought about the suggestion that he was the author of the ''[[Letters of Junius]]''. In [[1774]] he was elected member for [[Bristol]], at the time "England's second city" and a large constituency with a genuine electoral contest. His address to the electors of Bristol was noted for its defence of the principles of [[representative democracy]] against the notion that elected officials should act narrowly as advocates for the interests of their constituents. Burke's arguments in this matter helped to formulate the [[Delegate model of representation|delegate]] and [[Trustee model of representation|trustee]] models of political representation. His support for [[free trade]] with Ireland and his advocacy of Catholic emancipation were unpopular with his constituents and caused him to lose his seat in [[1780]]. For the remainder of his parliamentary career, Burke sat for [[Malton, North Yorkshire|Malton]], another pocket borough controlled by Rockingham.
==Reformer==
[[Image:Parque Eduardo Setimo.JPG|thumb|A statue of the Marquis in the centre of Lisbon, in the plaza Marquês de Pombal.]]
During the [[Age of Enlightenment]] Portugal was considered one of Europe's unenlightened backwaters. It was a country of three million people; in [[1750]], 200,000 people lived in the nation's 538 monasteries. Voltaire especially made fun of what he called the persistent Catholic superstition; in his 1759 bestseller [[Candide]], he wrote: "After the earthquake had destroyed three-fourths of Lisbon, the sages of that country could think of no means more effectual to prevent utter ruin than to give the people a beautiful [[auto-da-fe]]; for it had been decided by the University of Coimbra, that the burning of a few people alive by a slow fire, and with great ceremony, is an infallible secret to hinder the earth from quaking." de Melo seems to have been deeply embarrassed by Portugal's much-lamented backwardness. Having lived in Vienna and London, two major centres of European enlightenment, he increasingly believed that the [[Jesuits]] with their alleged doctrinaire grip on science and education were an inherent drag on an independent, Portuguese-style ''illuminismo''. He was especially familiar with the anti-Jesuit tradition of England, and in Vienna he had made friends with [[Gerhard van Swieten]], a confidant of Maria Theresia and a staunch adversary of the Austrian Jesuits and their influence. As prime minister de Melo engaged the Jesuits in a dirty propaganda war, which was watched closely by the rest of Europe, and he launched a number of conspiracy theories regarding the order's desire for power. During the [[Tavora affair]] (see below) he accused the Societas Jesu of treason and attempted regicide, a major public relations catastrophe for the order in the age of Absolutism. Pombal was an important precursor for the [[suppression of the Jesuits]] throughout Europe and its colonies which culminated in 1773, when Pope [[Clement XIV]] abolished the order.


Under the [[Tory]] administration of [[Frederick North, Lord North|Lord North]] ([[1770]]-[[1782]]) the American war went on from bad to worse, and it was in part owing to the splendid oratorical efforts of Burke that it was at last brought to an end. To this period belong two of his most famous performances, his speech on ''Conciliation with America'' ([[1775]]), and his ''Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol'' ([[1777]]). The fall of North led to Rockingham being recalled to power. Burke became [[Paymaster of the Forces]] and [[Privy Councillor]], but Rockingham's unexpected death in July of [[1782]] put an end to his administration after only a few months.
Further important reforms were carried out in education by de Melo: he expelled the [[Jesuits]] in 1759, created the basis for secular public primary and secondary schools, introduced vocational training, created hundreds of new teaching posts, added departments of mathematics and natural sciences to the [[University of Coimbra]], and introduced new taxes to pay for these reforms.


Burke then supported fellow Whig [[Charles James Fox]] in his coalition with Lord North, a decision that many came to regard later as his greatest political error. Under that short-lived coalition he continued to hold the office of Paymaster and he distinguished himself in connection with Fox's India Bill. The coalition fell in [[1783]], and was succeeded by the long Tory administration of [[William Pitt the Younger]], which lasted until [[1801]]. Burke was accordingly in opposition for the remainder of his political life. In [[1785]] he made his great speech on ''The Nabob of Arcot's Debts'', and in the next year ([[1786]]) he moved for papers in regard to the [[India]]n government of [[Warren Hastings]], the consequence of which was the [[impeachment]] trial of that politician. The trial, of which Burke was the leading promoter, lasted from [[1787]] until Hastings's eventual acquittal in [[1794]].
His greatest reforms were however economic and financial, with the creation of several companies and guilds to regulate every commercial activity. He demarcated the region for production of [[Port wine|port]] to ensure the wine's quality; his was the first attempt to control wine quality and production in Europe. He ruled with a strong hand by imposing strict laws upon all classes of Portuguese society from the high nobility to the poorest working class, and via his widespread review of the country's [[tax]] system. These reforms gained him enemies in the upper classes, especially among the high nobility, who despised him as a social upstart.


===Response to the French Revolution===
==The Lisbon earthquake==
Given his record as a strong supporter of American independence and as a campaigner against royal prerogative, many were surprised when Burke published his ''[[Reflections on the Revolution in France]]'' in [[1790]]. With it, Burke became one of the earliest and fiercest British critics of the [[French Revolution]], which he saw not as movement towards a representative, constitutional democracy but rather as a violent rebellion against tradition and proper authority and as an experiment disconnected from the complex realities of human society, which would end in disaster. Former admirers of Burke, such as [[Thomas Jefferson]] and fellow Whig politician [[Charles James Fox]], proceeded to denounce Burke as a [[reactionary]] and an enemy of democracy. [[Thomas Paine]] penned ''[[The Rights of Man]]'' in [[1791]] as a response to Burke. However, other pro-democratic politicians, such as the American [[John Adams]], agreed with Burke's assessment of the French situation. Many of Burke's dire predictions for the outcome of the French Revolution were later borne out by the execution of King [[Louis XVI of France|Louis XVI]], the subsequent [[Reign of Terror]], and the eventual rise of [[Napoleon I of France|Napoleon]]'s autocratic regime.
:''Main article: [[1755 Lisbon earthquake]]''.
Disaster fell upon Portugal on the morning of [[November 1]], [[1755]], when Lisbon was struck by a violent earthquake with an estimated magnitude of 9 on the [[Richter scale]]. The city was razed by the earthquake and ensuing [[tsunami]] and fires. de Melo survived by a stroke of luck and then immediately embarked on rebuilding the city, with his famous quote: ''What now? We bury the dead and feed the living.'' Despite the calamity Lisbon suffered no epidemics, and within less than a year was already being rebuilt. The new central area of Lisbon was designed to resist subsequent earthquakes. Architectural models were built for tests, and the effects of an earthquake were simulated by marching troops around the models. The buildings and major squares of the [[Pombaline Downtown]] of Lisbon still remain as one of Lisbon's main tourist attractions: they also represent the world's first quake-proof buildings. de Melo also made an important contribution to the study of [[seismology]] by designing a survey that was sent to every parish in the country. The questionnaire asked whether dogs or other animals behaved strangely prior to the earthquake, whether there was a noticeable difference in the rise or fall of the water level in wells, and how many buildings were destroyed and what kind of destruction occurred. The answers have allowed modern Portuguese scientists to reconstruct the event with precision.


These events, and the disagreements which arose regarding them within the Whig party, led to its breakup and to the rupture of Burke's friendship with Fox. In [[1791]] Burke published his ''[[Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs]]'', in which he renewed his criticism of the radical revolutionary programmes inspired by the French Revolution and attacked the Whigs who supported them. Eventually most of the Whigs sided with Burke and voted their support for the conservative government of [[Prime Minister]] [[William Pitt the Younger]], which declared war on the revolutionary government of France in [[1793]].
Following the earthquake, Joseph I gave his Prime Minister even more power, and de Melo became a powerful, progressive dictator. As his power grew, his enemies increased in number, and bitter disputes with the high nobility became frequent. In [[1758]] Joseph I was wounded in an attempted assassination. The [[Tavora affair|Tavora family]] and the Duke of Aveiro were implicated, and they were executed after a quick trial. The [[Jesuit]]s were expelled from the country and their assets confiscated by the crown. de Melo showed no mercy and prosecuted every person involved, even women and children. This was the final stroke that broke the power of the aristocracy and ensured the victory of the Minister against his enemies. In reward for his swift resolve, Joseph I made his loyal minister Count of Oeiras in [[1759]].


In [[1794]] a terrible blow fell upon Burke in the loss of his son Richard, to whom he was tenderly attached, and in whom he saw signs of promise, which were not patent to others, and which in fact appear to have been non-existent. In the same year the Hastings trial came to an end. Burke felt that his work was done and indeed that he was worn out; and he took leave of Parliament. The King, whose favour he had gained by his attitude on the French Revolution, wished to make him Lord Beaconsfield, but the death of his son had deprived such an honour of all its attractions, and the only reward he would accept was a pension of £2,500. Even this modest reward was attacked by the [[John Russell, 6th Duke of Bedford|Duke of Bedford]] and the [[James Maitland, 8th Earl of Lauderdale|Earl of Lauderdale]], to whom Burke made a crushing reply in the ''Letter to a Noble Lord'' ([[1796]]). His last publications were the ''Letters on a Regicide Peace'' ([[1796]]), called forth by negotiations for peace with France.
==Fall and death==


Burke died in [[Beaconsfield]], [[Buckinghamshire]] in [[1797]].
Following the Tavora affair, the new Count of Oeiras knew no opposition. Made '''Marquês of Pombal''' in [[1770]], he effectively ruled Portugal until Joseph I's death in [[1779]]. Joseph's successor, Queen [[Maria I of Portugal]], disliked the Marquês. Maria I never forgave him the ruthlessness showed against the Tavora family and she withdrew all his political offices. The Queen also issued one of the world's first restraining orders, commanding that the Marquês should not be closer than 20 miles from her presence. If she were to travel near his estates, he was compelled to remove himself from his house to fulfill the royal decree. Maria I is reported to have had tantrums at the slightest reference to her father's former Prime Minister.


==Influence and reputation==
Pombal built a [[palace|palatial]] [[villa]] named [[Oeiras]]. The villa featured formal [[France|French]] [[garden|gardens]] enlivened with traditional Portuguese glazed [[tile]] [[wall|walls]]. There were [[waterfall|waterfalls]] and waterworks set within vineyards.
{{conservatism}}
{{liberalism}}


Burke's ''Reflections on the Revolution in France'' was extremely controversial at the time of its publication. Its intemperate language and factual inaccuracies even convinced many readers that Burke had lost his judgment. But as the subsequent violence and chaos in France vindicated much of Burke's assessment, it grew to become his best-known and most influential work. In the English-speaking world, Burke is often regarded as one of the fathers of modern [[conservatism]], and his thinking has exerted considerable influence over the political philosophy of such [[classical liberalism|classical liberals]] as [[Friedrich Hayek]] and [[Karl Popper]]. Burke's 'liberal' conservatism, which opposes the implementation of grand theoretical plans of radical political change but recognizes the necessity of gradual reform, must not be confused with the autocratic conservatism of such anti-revolutionary Continental figures as [[Joseph de Maistre]].
Pombal died peacefully on his estate at [[Pombal]] in [[1782]]. Today Lisbon's most important square and busiest underground station is named ''Marquês de Pombal'' in his honor. There is an imposing statue of the Marquês in the square as well.


[[Adam Smith]] remarked that "Burke is the only man I ever knew who thinks on economic subjects exactly as I do without any previous communication having passed between us".[http://dspace.dial.pipex.com/town/terrace/adw03/c-eight/people/smith.htm] The Liberal historian [[John Dalberg-Acton, 1st Baron Acton|Lord Acton]] considered Burke as one of the three greatest liberals, along with [[William Ewart Gladstone]] and [[Thomas Babington Macaulay, 1st Baron Macaulay|Thomas Babington Macaulay]].[http://www.fahayek.org/index.php?option=com_content&task=view&id=46]
==See Also==
* [[A-dos-ruivos]]


Two contrasting assessments of Burke were offered long after his death by [[Karl Marx]] and [[Winston Churchill]]. According to the former's ''[[Das Kapital]]'':
==External links==
*[http://www.newadvent.org/cathen/12224b.htm ''Catholic Encyclopedia'']: a 1908 official Catholic view
*[http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/P/PO/POMBAL_SEBASTIAO_JOSE_DE_CAR_VALHO_E_MELLO_MARQUESS_OF.htm ''Encyclopædia Britannica'':] Pombal


<blockquote>The sycophant&mdash;who in the pay of the English oligarchy played the romantic ''laudator temporis acti'' against the French Revolution just as, in the pay of the North American colonies at the beginning of the American troubles, he had played the liberal against the English oligarchy&mdash;was an out-and-out vulgar [[bourgeois]].</blockquote>
==Further reading==

*Cheke, Marcus ''Dictator of Portugal: A Life of the Marquês of Pombal, 1699–1782'' (1938, reprinted 1969) is the standard biography in English.
According to Winston Churchill's "Consistency in Politics":
*Alden, Dauril, ''Royal Government in Colonial Brazil with Special Reference to the Administration of the Marquês of Lavradio, Viceroy, 1769-1779,'' [[University of California]] Press, 1968; Pombal's colonial policy.

*Maxwell, Kenneth, ''Pombal - Paradox of the Enlightment'', Cambridge 1995.
<blockquote>On the one hand [Burke] is revealed as a foremost apostle of Liberty, on the other as the redoubtable champion of Authority. But a charge of political inconsistency applied to this life appears a mean and petty thing. History easily discerns the reasons and forces which actuated him, and the immense changes in the problems he was facing which evoked from the same profound mind and sincere spirit these entirely contrary manifestations. His soul revolted against tyranny, whether it appeared in the aspect of a domineering Monarch and a corrupt Court and Parliamentary system, or whether, mouthing the watch-words of a non-existent liberty, it towered up against him in the dictation of a brutal mob and wicked sect. No one can read the Burke of Liberty and the Burke of Authority without feeling that here was the same man pursuing the same ends, seeking the same ideals of society and Government, and defending them from assaults, now from one extreme, now from the other.</blockquote>

Though still controversial, Burke is today widely regarded as one of the major political thinkers of the [[English language|English-speaking]] world. His writings, like his speeches, are characterised by the welding together of knowledge, thought, and feeling. Unlike most orators, he is more successful as a writer than he was as a speaker. He often rose too far above the heads of his audience, which the continued splendour of his declamation, his inordinate copiousness, and his excessive vehemence, often passing into fury, at length wearied, and even disgusted. Burke was known as the 'Dinner Bell' to his contemporaries because MPs would leave the chamber to look for dinner when he rose to speak [http://www.pat2k.com/trade/otto_ft_hist.htm]. But in his writings are found some of the grandest examples of a fervid and richly elaborated eloquence. Though he was never admitted to the Cabinet, he guided and influenced largely the policy of his party. His efforts in the direction of economy and order in administration at home, and on behalf of a more just government in America, [[India]], and [[Ireland]], as well as his contributions to political philosophy, constitute his most significant legacy.

Burke is the namesake of a variety of prominent associations and societies, including [[The Antient and Honourable Edmund Burke Society]] <!-- yes, "antient" is correct --> at the [[University of Chicago]].

==Speeches==
Burke made several famous speeches while serving in the [[British House of Commons]].
*[[On American Taxation]] ([[1774]]): ''"Whether you were right or wrong in establishing the Colonies on the principles of commercial monopoly, rather than on that of revenue, is at this day a problem of mere speculation. You cannot have both by the same authority. To join together the restraints of an universal internal and external monopoly, with an universal internal and external taxation, is an unnatural union; perfect uncompensated slavery."''

*[http://odur.let.rug.nl/~usa/D/1751-1775/libertydebate/burk.htm On Conciliation with America] ([[1775]]): "''The proposition is peace. Not peace through the medium of war; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negotiations; not peace to arise out of universal discord fomented, from principle, in all parts of the Empire, not peace to depend on the juridical determination of perplexing questions, or the precise marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is simple peace; sought in its natural course, and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific . . .''"

==Writings==
*''[[A Vindication of Natural Society: A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind]]'' [[1756]] (Liberty Fund, 1982) ISBN 0-86597-009-2. This article, outlining radical political theory, was first published anonymously and, when Burke was revealed as its author, he explained that it was a satire. The consensus of historians is that this is correct. An alternate theory, proposed by [[Murray Rothbard]], argues that Burke wrote the ''Vindication'' in earnest but later wished to disavow it for political reasons.
*''[[A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful]]'' [[1757]], begun when he was 19 and published when he was 27. (Oxford University Press, 1998) ISBN 0-19-283580-7
*''[[Reflections on the Revolution in France]]'' [[1790]] (Oxford University Press, 1999) ISBN 0-19-283978-0 Burke's criticisms of the French Revolution and its connection to [[Jean-Jacques Rousseau|Rousseau's]] philosophy, made before the revolution was radicalized, predicted that it would fall into terror, tyranny, and misrule. Burke, a supporter of the American Revolution, wrote the ''Reflections'' in response to a young correspondent who mistakenly assumed that he would support the French Revolution as well.

==Trivia==
*Having lost his only heir, in 1794 Burke refused King George III's offer to raise him to the peerage as Lord Beaconsfield. That title would later be associated with [[Conservative Party (UK)|Conservative]] politician and Prime Minister [[Benjamin Disraeli, 1st Earl of Beaconsfield|Benjamin Disraeli]].

*''[[Reflections on the Revolution in France]]'' was addressed to an anonymous French nobleman whose identity has been the subject of many rumours. Thomas Copeland, editor of Burke's Correspondence, put forth a compelling argument that the recipient was in fact [[Victor Marie du Pont]]. Victor's brother was [[Eleuthère Irénée du Pont]], founder of the [[Du Pont|E.I. duPont de Nemours Company]].

==Quotes==
*"The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."<ref>"Attributed to Edmund Burke, but never found in his works. It may be a paraphrase of Burke’s view that 'When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle' (''Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents'', April 23, 1770)."<br>Platt, Suzy, ''Respectfully Quoted: A Dictionary of Quotations'', p. 555. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1993.</ref>
*"No one could make a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little."{{citequote}}
*"Manners are of more importance than laws... Manners are what vex or soothe, corrupt or purify, exalt or debase, barbarize or refine us, by a constant, steady, uniform, insensible operation like that of the air we breathe in."<ref>Burke, Edmund, ''Three Letters addressed to a Member of the present Parliament, on the Proposals for Peace with the Regicide Directory of France'': Letter 1, ''On the Overtures of Peace'', p. 172, in ''The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke: A New Edition'', v. VIII. London: F. C. and J. Rivington, 1815.</ref>
*"There is a sort of enthusiasm in all projectors, absolutely necessary for their affairs, which makes them proof against the most fatiguing delays, the most mortifying disapointments, the most shocking insults; and, what is severer than all, the presumptuous judgement of the ignorant upon their designs."<ref>''An account of the European Settlements in America'', pp. 19-20, in ''The Works of Edmund Burke in Nine Volumes'', Vol. IX. Boston: Little, Brown, 1839.</ref>

== Summary ==
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at:1729 text:Born in Dublin
at:1743 text:Joins Trinity College
at:1750 text:Enters Middle Temple
at:1756 text:Publishes treatise On the Sublime and Beautiful
at:1765 text:Becomes friend of Rockingham
at:1775 text:Enters Parliament and engages in American controversy, ~ publishes speech on Conciliation with America
at:1782 text:Paymaster of Forces and P.C.; ~ joined coalition of Fox and North
from:1787 till:1794 shift:(25,6) text:Leads in prosecution of W. Hastings
at:1790 text:Publishes Reflections on French Revolution; ~ breaks with Fox party
at:1796 text:Publishes Letter on a Regicide Peace
at:1797 shift:(25,5) text:Dies
</timeline>


{{start box}}
{{start box}}
{{succession box | title=[[Paymaster of the Forces]] | before=[[Richard Rigby]] | after=[[Isaac Barré]] | years=1782}}
{{succession box | before = [[Marco António de Azevedo Coutinho]]| title = [[List of Prime Ministers of Portugal|Prime Minister of Portugal]]<br>(Secretary of State)|years=[[1750]]&ndash;[[1756]]| after = [[Luís da Cunha Manuel]]}}
{{succession box | title=[[Paymaster of the Forces]] | before=[[Isaac Barré]] | after=[[William Wyndham Grenville, 1st Baron Grenville|William Wyndham Grenville]] | years=1783&ndash;1784}}
{{end box}}
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==Notes==
[[Category:Portuguese nobility|Pombal, Marquês of]]
<references/>
[[Category:Portuguese people|Pombal, Marquês of]]

[[Category:1699 births|Pombal, Marquês of]]
==References==
[[Category:1782 deaths|Pombal, Marquês of]]
*{{A Short Biographical Dictionary of English Literature}}
{{Link FA|pt}}
*[[Conor Cruise O'Brien]], 1992. ''The Great Melody: A Thematic Biography of Edmund Burke''. ISBN 0-226-61651-7
{{Link FA|pt}}
* Dickson, David, New Foundations of Ireland 1660-1800 ISBN 0-7165-2637-9.
*[[Russell Kirk]], 1992 (1953). ''The Conservative Mind: From Burke to [[T. S. Eliot|Eliot]],'' 7th ed.
*Muller, Jerry Z., 2002. ''The Mind and the Market: Capitalism in Western Thought''. Anchor Books.
*[http://www.bootlegbooks.com/Reference/PhraseAndFable/data/1261.html BREWER: THE DICTIONARY OF PHRASE AND FABLE]

==See also==
*[[Charles Watson-Wentworth, 2nd Marquess of Rockingham]]
*[[Charles James Fox]]
*[[List of people on stamps of Ireland]]

==External links==
{{wikiquote}}
{{Wikisource author}}
* {{gutenberg author| id=Edmund+Burke | name=Edmund Burke}} (including his collected works in 12 volumes)
* [http://www.constitution.org/eb/burke.htm Text of ''Reflections on the Revolution in France'']
* [http://plato.stanford.edu/entries/burke/ Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy entry]
* [http://aniceday.eotalk.com The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke]
* [http://www.fundacionburke.org Spanish foundation based on Burke's thoughts]
* [http://www.isearchquotations.com/authors/james_e--_burke/page1.html Edmund Burke Quotes] ISearchQuotations

<!--[[image:edmund_burke.jpg|thumb|right|Edmund Burke]]-->

[[Category:1729 births|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:1797 deaths|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:18th century philosophers|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Bristol]]
[[Category:British MPs|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Early modern philosophers|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Historians of the French Revolution|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Irish Anglicans|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Irish Freemasons|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Irish politicians|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Natives of County Dublin|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Members of the Privy Council of the United Kingdom|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:People associated with Trinity College, Dublin|Burke, Edmund]]
[[Category:Political theorists|Burke, Edmund]]


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Revision as of 19:29, 12 October 2006

Edmund Burke
Era18th-century philosophy
RegionWestern Philosophy
SchoolClassical liberalism, conservatism
Main interests
Social and political philosophy

Edmund Burke (January 12, 1729July 9, 1797) was an Anglo-Irish statesman, author, orator, political theorist, and philosopher, who served for many years in the British House of Commons as a member of the Whig party. He is chiefly remembered for his support of the American colonies in the struggle against King George III that led to the American Revolution and for his strong opposition to the French Revolution. The latter made Burke one of the leading figures within the conservative faction of the Whig party (which he dubbed the "Old Whigs"), in opposition to the pro-revolutionary "New Whigs," led by Charles James Fox. Burke also published philosophical work on aesthetics and founded the Annual Register, a political review. He is often regarded as the father of Anglo-American conservatism.[1]

Life

Burke, who was of Munster Catholic stock, was born in Dublin to a solicitor father who conformed to the Church of Ireland. His mother, whose maiden name was Nagle, belonged to the Roman Catholic Church. Burke was raised in his father's faith and would remain throughout his life a practicing Anglican, but his political enemies would later repeatedly accuse him of harbouring secret Catholic sympathies at a time when membership in the Catholic church would have disqualified him from public office (see Penal Laws in Ireland).

He received his early education at a Quaker school in Ballitore and in 1744 he proceeded to Trinity College, Dublin. In 1747, he set up a Debating Club, known as Edmund Burke's Club, which in 1770 merged with the Historical Club to form the College Historical Society. The minutes of the meetings of Burke's club remain in the collection of the Historical Society. He graduated in 1748. Burke's father wished him to study for the law, and with this object he went to London in 1750 and entered the Middle Temple, but soon thereafter he gave up his legal studies in order to travel in Continental Europe.

Burke's first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society: A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind, appeared in 1756 and was fraudulently attributed to Lord Bolingbroke. It was originally taken as a serious treatise on anarchism. Years later, with a government appointment at stake, Burke claimed that it had been intended as a satire. Many modern scholars consider it to be satire, but others take Vindication as a serious defence of anarchism (an interpretation notably espoused by Murray Rothbard.) Whether satire or not, it was the first anarchist essay, and taken seriously by later anarchists such as William Godwin. In 1757 Burke published a treatise on aesthetics, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, which attracted the attention of prominent Continental thinkers such as Denis Diderot and Immanuel Kant. The following year, with Robert Dodsley, he created the influential Annual Register, a publication in which various authors evaluated the international political events of the previous year. In London, Burke became closely connected with many of the leading intellectuals and artists, including Samuel Johnson, David Garrick, Oliver Goldsmith, and Joshua Reynolds.

At about this same time, Burke was introduced to William Gerard Hamilton (known as "Single-speech Hamilton"). When Hamilton was appointed Chief Secretary for Ireland, Burke accompanied him to Dublin as his private secretary, a position he maintained for three years. In 1765 Burke became private secretary to liberal Whig statesman Charles Watson-Wentworth, the Marquess of Rockingham, at the time Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who remained Burke's close friend and associate until his premature death in 1782.

Political career

Statue of Edmund Burke in Bristol. The inscription reads: Burke 1774-1780. "I wish to be a member of parliament to have my share of doing good and resisting evil". Speech at Bristol 1780.

In 1765 Burke entered the British Parliament as a member of the House of Commons for Wendover, a pocket borough in the control of Lord Verney, later 2nd Earl Verney, a close political ally of Rockingham. Burke took a leading role in the debate over the constitutional limits to the executive authority of the King. He argued strongly against unrestrained royal power and for the role of political parties in maintaining a principled opposition capable of preventing abuses by the monarch or by specific factions within the government. His most important publication in this regard was his Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents of 1770. Burke expressed his support for the grievances of the American colonies under the government of King George III and his appointed representatives. He also campaigned against the persecution of Catholics in Ireland and denounced the abuses and corruption of the East India Company.

In 1769 Burke published, in reply to George Grenville, his pamphlet on The Present State of the Nation. In the same year he purchased the small estate of Gregories near Beaconsfield. The 600-acre estate was purchased with mostly borrowed money, and though it contained an art collection that included works by Titian, Gregories nevertheless would prove to be a heavy financial burden on the MP in the following decades. His speeches and writings had now made him famous, and among other effects had brought about the suggestion that he was the author of the Letters of Junius. In 1774 he was elected member for Bristol, at the time "England's second city" and a large constituency with a genuine electoral contest. His address to the electors of Bristol was noted for its defence of the principles of representative democracy against the notion that elected officials should act narrowly as advocates for the interests of their constituents. Burke's arguments in this matter helped to formulate the delegate and trustee models of political representation. His support for free trade with Ireland and his advocacy of Catholic emancipation were unpopular with his constituents and caused him to lose his seat in 1780. For the remainder of his parliamentary career, Burke sat for Malton, another pocket borough controlled by Rockingham.

Under the Tory administration of Lord North (1770-1782) the American war went on from bad to worse, and it was in part owing to the splendid oratorical efforts of Burke that it was at last brought to an end. To this period belong two of his most famous performances, his speech on Conciliation with America (1775), and his Letter to the Sheriffs of Bristol (1777). The fall of North led to Rockingham being recalled to power. Burke became Paymaster of the Forces and Privy Councillor, but Rockingham's unexpected death in July of 1782 put an end to his administration after only a few months.

Burke then supported fellow Whig Charles James Fox in his coalition with Lord North, a decision that many came to regard later as his greatest political error. Under that short-lived coalition he continued to hold the office of Paymaster and he distinguished himself in connection with Fox's India Bill. The coalition fell in 1783, and was succeeded by the long Tory administration of William Pitt the Younger, which lasted until 1801. Burke was accordingly in opposition for the remainder of his political life. In 1785 he made his great speech on The Nabob of Arcot's Debts, and in the next year (1786) he moved for papers in regard to the Indian government of Warren Hastings, the consequence of which was the impeachment trial of that politician. The trial, of which Burke was the leading promoter, lasted from 1787 until Hastings's eventual acquittal in 1794.

Response to the French Revolution

Given his record as a strong supporter of American independence and as a campaigner against royal prerogative, many were surprised when Burke published his Reflections on the Revolution in France in 1790. With it, Burke became one of the earliest and fiercest British critics of the French Revolution, which he saw not as movement towards a representative, constitutional democracy but rather as a violent rebellion against tradition and proper authority and as an experiment disconnected from the complex realities of human society, which would end in disaster. Former admirers of Burke, such as Thomas Jefferson and fellow Whig politician Charles James Fox, proceeded to denounce Burke as a reactionary and an enemy of democracy. Thomas Paine penned The Rights of Man in 1791 as a response to Burke. However, other pro-democratic politicians, such as the American John Adams, agreed with Burke's assessment of the French situation. Many of Burke's dire predictions for the outcome of the French Revolution were later borne out by the execution of King Louis XVI, the subsequent Reign of Terror, and the eventual rise of Napoleon's autocratic regime.

These events, and the disagreements which arose regarding them within the Whig party, led to its breakup and to the rupture of Burke's friendship with Fox. In 1791 Burke published his Appeal from the New to the Old Whigs, in which he renewed his criticism of the radical revolutionary programmes inspired by the French Revolution and attacked the Whigs who supported them. Eventually most of the Whigs sided with Burke and voted their support for the conservative government of Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger, which declared war on the revolutionary government of France in 1793.

In 1794 a terrible blow fell upon Burke in the loss of his son Richard, to whom he was tenderly attached, and in whom he saw signs of promise, which were not patent to others, and which in fact appear to have been non-existent. In the same year the Hastings trial came to an end. Burke felt that his work was done and indeed that he was worn out; and he took leave of Parliament. The King, whose favour he had gained by his attitude on the French Revolution, wished to make him Lord Beaconsfield, but the death of his son had deprived such an honour of all its attractions, and the only reward he would accept was a pension of £2,500. Even this modest reward was attacked by the Duke of Bedford and the Earl of Lauderdale, to whom Burke made a crushing reply in the Letter to a Noble Lord (1796). His last publications were the Letters on a Regicide Peace (1796), called forth by negotiations for peace with France.

Burke died in Beaconsfield, Buckinghamshire in 1797.

Influence and reputation


Burke's Reflections on the Revolution in France was extremely controversial at the time of its publication. Its intemperate language and factual inaccuracies even convinced many readers that Burke had lost his judgment. But as the subsequent violence and chaos in France vindicated much of Burke's assessment, it grew to become his best-known and most influential work. In the English-speaking world, Burke is often regarded as one of the fathers of modern conservatism, and his thinking has exerted considerable influence over the political philosophy of such classical liberals as Friedrich Hayek and Karl Popper. Burke's 'liberal' conservatism, which opposes the implementation of grand theoretical plans of radical political change but recognizes the necessity of gradual reform, must not be confused with the autocratic conservatism of such anti-revolutionary Continental figures as Joseph de Maistre.

Adam Smith remarked that "Burke is the only man I ever knew who thinks on economic subjects exactly as I do without any previous communication having passed between us".[1] The Liberal historian Lord Acton considered Burke as one of the three greatest liberals, along with William Ewart Gladstone and Thomas Babington Macaulay.[2]

Two contrasting assessments of Burke were offered long after his death by Karl Marx and Winston Churchill. According to the former's Das Kapital:

The sycophant—who in the pay of the English oligarchy played the romantic laudator temporis acti against the French Revolution just as, in the pay of the North American colonies at the beginning of the American troubles, he had played the liberal against the English oligarchy—was an out-and-out vulgar bourgeois.

According to Winston Churchill's "Consistency in Politics":

On the one hand [Burke] is revealed as a foremost apostle of Liberty, on the other as the redoubtable champion of Authority. But a charge of political inconsistency applied to this life appears a mean and petty thing. History easily discerns the reasons and forces which actuated him, and the immense changes in the problems he was facing which evoked from the same profound mind and sincere spirit these entirely contrary manifestations. His soul revolted against tyranny, whether it appeared in the aspect of a domineering Monarch and a corrupt Court and Parliamentary system, or whether, mouthing the watch-words of a non-existent liberty, it towered up against him in the dictation of a brutal mob and wicked sect. No one can read the Burke of Liberty and the Burke of Authority without feeling that here was the same man pursuing the same ends, seeking the same ideals of society and Government, and defending them from assaults, now from one extreme, now from the other.

Though still controversial, Burke is today widely regarded as one of the major political thinkers of the English-speaking world. His writings, like his speeches, are characterised by the welding together of knowledge, thought, and feeling. Unlike most orators, he is more successful as a writer than he was as a speaker. He often rose too far above the heads of his audience, which the continued splendour of his declamation, his inordinate copiousness, and his excessive vehemence, often passing into fury, at length wearied, and even disgusted. Burke was known as the 'Dinner Bell' to his contemporaries because MPs would leave the chamber to look for dinner when he rose to speak [3]. But in his writings are found some of the grandest examples of a fervid and richly elaborated eloquence. Though he was never admitted to the Cabinet, he guided and influenced largely the policy of his party. His efforts in the direction of economy and order in administration at home, and on behalf of a more just government in America, India, and Ireland, as well as his contributions to political philosophy, constitute his most significant legacy.

Burke is the namesake of a variety of prominent associations and societies, including The Antient and Honourable Edmund Burke Society at the University of Chicago.

Speeches

Burke made several famous speeches while serving in the British House of Commons.

  • On American Taxation (1774): "Whether you were right or wrong in establishing the Colonies on the principles of commercial monopoly, rather than on that of revenue, is at this day a problem of mere speculation. You cannot have both by the same authority. To join together the restraints of an universal internal and external monopoly, with an universal internal and external taxation, is an unnatural union; perfect uncompensated slavery."
  • On Conciliation with America (1775): "The proposition is peace. Not peace through the medium of war; not peace to be hunted through the labyrinth of intricate and endless negotiations; not peace to arise out of universal discord fomented, from principle, in all parts of the Empire, not peace to depend on the juridical determination of perplexing questions, or the precise marking the shadowy boundaries of a complex government. It is simple peace; sought in its natural course, and in its ordinary haunts. It is peace sought in the spirit of peace, and laid in principles purely pacific . . ."

Writings

Trivia

  • Having lost his only heir, in 1794 Burke refused King George III's offer to raise him to the peerage as Lord Beaconsfield. That title would later be associated with Conservative politician and Prime Minister Benjamin Disraeli.

Quotes

  • "The only thing necessary for the triumph of evil is for good men to do nothing."[2]
  • "No one could make a greater mistake than he who did nothing because he could do only a little."[This quote needs a citation]
  • "Manners are of more importance than laws... Manners are what vex or soothe, corrupt or purify, exalt or debase, barbarize or refine us, by a constant, steady, uniform, insensible operation like that of the air we breathe in."[3]
  • "There is a sort of enthusiasm in all projectors, absolutely necessary for their affairs, which makes them proof against the most fatiguing delays, the most mortifying disapointments, the most shocking insults; and, what is severer than all, the presumptuous judgement of the ignorant upon their designs."[4]

Summary

Preceded by Paymaster of the Forces
1782
Succeeded by
Preceded by Paymaster of the Forces
1783–1784
Succeeded by

Notes

  1. ^ Andrew Heywood, Political Ideologies: An Introduction. Third Edition (Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), p. 74.
  2. ^ "Attributed to Edmund Burke, but never found in his works. It may be a paraphrase of Burke’s view that 'When bad men combine, the good must associate; else they will fall one by one, an unpitied sacrifice in a contemptible struggle' (Thoughts on the Cause of the Present Discontents, April 23, 1770)."
    Platt, Suzy, Respectfully Quoted: A Dictionary of Quotations, p. 555. New York: Barnes & Noble, 1993.
  3. ^ Burke, Edmund, Three Letters addressed to a Member of the present Parliament, on the Proposals for Peace with the Regicide Directory of France: Letter 1, On the Overtures of Peace, p. 172, in The Works of the Right Honourable Edmund Burke: A New Edition, v. VIII. London: F. C. and J. Rivington, 1815.
  4. ^ An account of the European Settlements in America, pp. 19-20, in The Works of Edmund Burke in Nine Volumes, Vol. IX. Boston: Little, Brown, 1839.

References

  •  This article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domainCousin, John William (1910). A Short Biographical Dictionary of English Literature. London: J. M. Dent & Sons – via Wikisource.
  • Conor Cruise O'Brien, 1992. The Great Melody: A Thematic Biography of Edmund Burke. ISBN 0-226-61651-7
  • Dickson, David, New Foundations of Ireland 1660-1800 ISBN 0-7165-2637-9.
  • Russell Kirk, 1992 (1953). The Conservative Mind: From Burke to Eliot, 7th ed.
  • Muller, Jerry Z., 2002. The Mind and the Market: Capitalism in Western Thought. Anchor Books.
  • BREWER: THE DICTIONARY OF PHRASE AND FABLE

See also